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Martin Luther King blev myrdet 1968 - Historie

Martin Luther King blev myrdet 1968 - Historie


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Martin Luther King blev myrdet i 1968

Den 4. april dræbte en enlig snigmorder Dr. Martin Luther King, Amerikas førende borgerrettighedsforkæmper. Dr. King havde været på forkant med den ikke-voldelige kamp for at opnå borgerrettigheder for afroamerikanere. James Earl Ray blev senere dømt for attentatet.


Martin Luther King var rejst til Memphis for at støtte byernes strejke, stort set afroamerikanske sanitetsarbejdere, der strejkede. Da han kom til Memphis, boede han normalt på Lorrain Motel. Han opholdt sig næsten altid i det samme værelse- værelse 306. Klokken 18 torsdag den 4. april 1968 trådte King ud på balkonen uden for sit værelse. 6:01 blev han ramt af en kugle i ansigtet. Den eneste kugle rejste ned ad rygmarven og lagde sig i hans skulder. Han blev kørt til Saint Joseph Hospital, hvor han døde en time senere, uden nogensinde at genvinde bevidstheden.

FBI undersøgte skyderiet og anholdt James Earl Ray, en eks-con. Han blev taget til fange i London Heathrow lufthavn. Han blev udleveret til USA og gik med til at erkende sig skyldig mod at have taget dødsstraf fra bordet. Ray trak senere sit skyldige anbringende tilbage med påstand om, at han ikke var skyldig. Han blev idømt 99 års fængsel og døde der i 1998 i en alder af 70 år.


Martin Luther King Jr. attentat konspirationsteorier

Konspirationsteorierne om mordet på Martin Luther King Jr., en fremtrædende leder af borgerrettighedsbevægelsen, vedrører forskellige beretninger om hans attentat, der fandt sted den 4. april 1968 i Memphis, Tennessee. King blev myrdet på balkonen på Lorraine Motel, dagen efter at han holdt sin sidste tale "Jeg har været på bjergtoppen". Der opstod hurtigt krav om mistænkelige aspekter ved kongens attentat og den påståede morder, James Earl Rays kontroversielle rolle. Selvom hans skyldige anbringende eliminerede muligheden for en retssag for en jury, havde Ray inden for få dage tilbagekaldt og hævdet, at hans tilståelse var tvunget. Mistanken blev yderligere rejst ved bekræftelse af ulovlig overvågning af King af FBI og CIA.

I 1979 offentliggjorde United States House Select Committee on Assassinations (HSCA) en rapport om, at der var sandsynlighed for konspiration ved mordet på King. I 1999 nåede en blandet race-jury i en civil sag i Memphis til enstemmig dom, at King blev myrdet som følge af en sammensværgelse, der involverede den amerikanske regering, en person ved navn Raoul, blandt andre. [1] "Der er rigeligt bevis", sagde Coretta King efter dommen, "om en større konspiration på højt plan i mordet på min mand". Juryen fandt mafiaen og forskellige lokale, statslige og føderale regeringsorganer "var dybt involveret i attentatet. Mr. Ray blev oprettet for at tage skylden". [2] [3]


1968: Martin Luther King dræbt af snigskytte

Den berømte afroamerikanske menneskerettighedsaktivist-Martin Luther King-blev myrdet denne dag i 1968 med et skud fra et snigskytteriffel. Attentatet skete, mens King var på balkonen på anden sal på Lorraine Motel i Memphis, Tennessee.

Kuglen ramte King i højre kind, gik gennem hans kæbe og rygsøjle og forblev fast i hans skulder. Han blev kørt til hospitalet, hvor han blev erklæret død klokken 19.05.

Lidt mere end to måneder efter drabet blev James Earl Ray, en hvid mand fra Illinois, der tilstod gerningen, anholdt. Han blev idømt 99 års fængsel. Han tilbagekaldte senere denne tilståelse, da han tilsyneladende kun gav den, fordi i tilfælde af at han ikke indrømmede og fik en domfældelse, kunne han blive dømt til den elektriske stol.

Der er konspirationsteorier relateret til mordet. Det er interessant at bemærke, at James Earl Ray, mens han var i fængsel, gav et interview til Playboy -magasinet, som omfattede at tage en polygraf -test.

Polygrafen viste angiveligt, at Ray virkelig dræbte King, og at han gjorde det alene.


Martin Luther King Assassination Riots (1968)

King Assassination Riots var en række på mere end 100 tilfælde af civil uro, der opstod i kølvandet på Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.s død. Denne uro var tydelig overalt i landet, da racespændinger steg til et flygtigt niveau. Der blev set forskellige grader af uro afhængigt af byen, hvor den fandt sted.

Den 4. april 1968 blev borgerrettighedslederen Martin Luther King Jr. myrdet i Memphis, Tennessee. Nyheden om hans attentat førte til en strøm af forskellige følelser fra sorte rundt i USA. Attentatet var også en katalysator for borgerlige uroligheder, og mange gik på gaden for at udtrykke deres sorg og vrede i form af marcher og protester. Ikke alle disse demonstrationer forblev fredelige og blev i nogle tilfælde voldelige. Nogle af de mest bemærkelsesværdige optøjer opstod i Baltimore (Maryland), Chicago (Illinois), Louisville (Kentucky), New York City (New York) og Washington, DC

Uroen i Baltimore trådte i gang fredag, dagen efter kongens attentat, men spændinger havde på forhånd opbygget på grund af frustrationer i det sorte samfund. Tusinder af National Guard -tropper, 500 Maryland -politi og talrige føderale tropper blev bragt til byen som reaktion på begivenhederne, der fandt sted. Optøjer resulterede i mere end 4.000 anholdelser og over tusind forretninger var blevet brændt eller plyndret. 13,5 millioner dollars i skade blev påført i byen.

I Chicago begyndte også optøjer fredag ​​den 5. april og fandt sted primært på byens vestside. Scenen i Chicago var præget af plyndring, brandstiftelse og vold. Tre tusinde Illinois National Guard -tropper blev beordret ind i byen for at hjælpe politiet og Cook County sherifs deputerede med at bevare freden. Uroen i Chicago førte til elleve dødsfald og over hundrede ødelagte bygninger.

Begivenhederne i Louisville fandt sted i maj og blev delvis anstiftet af kongens attentat, men også af det faktum, at en hvid betjent, der var involveret i tæsk af en sort mand, blev genindsat af politiet efter en kort efterforskning. Talrige tropper fra Kentucky National Guard forsøgte at dæmpe den vold, der fandt sted i Louisville. Over 400 anholdelser blev foretaget, og $ 200.000 i skader var et resultat af, hvad der var sket.

Selvom der forekom skader, plyndringer og vold i New York City, blev det stort set undgået delvist i forbindelse med handlingerne fra byens borgmester, John Lindsay. Borgmester Lindsay gik ind i Harlem og interagerede med beboerne og beroligede folket ved at sige, at han var ked af det, der skete med Dr. King.

I Washington D.C. begyndte optøjerne samme dag, hvor Dr. King blev myrdet. Uroen i landets hovedstad førte til, at over 1.000 bygninger blev brændt og 27 millioner dollars i skader. Mange National Guard -tropper og marinesoldater blev kaldt ind i DC for at hjælpe med at opretholde orden.

Præsident Lyndon B. Johnson fordømte mordet på Dr. King og indledte en række lovgivningsmæssige handlinger, som mange i Det Hvide Hus mente ville forbedre forholdene for afroamerikanere i indre byer. Fair Housing Act vedtaget af kongressen den 11. april 1968 var en sådan foranstaltning. Kongressen afviste imidlertid resten af ​​Johnsons forslag og mente, at præsidenten ikke gjorde nok til at undertrykke volden i byerne.

Kongens attentatoptøjer havde tilføjet de allerede mange optøjer, der fandt sted i 1960'erne, såsom Watts -optøjer i Los Angeles, Californien i 1965. Kings død blev lagt oven på andre racemæssige spørgsmål, der allerede står over for mange byer, og for mange sorte syntes det at være afvisning af hans ikke -voldelig tilgang til racereform. Skaden i kølvandet på Kings død skadede imidlertid også mange byers økonomier, og som følge heraf mistede tusinder af arbejdspladser, kriminaliteten steg, ejendomsværdierne faldt, og de fleste sorte samfund var endnu mere isolerede fra resten af ​​deres byer end før volden .


I dag i historien, 4. april 1968: Martin Luther King Jr. blev myrdet

Kongressen besluttede, at USA's flag skulle bestå af 13 røde og hvide striber og 20 stjerner, med en ny stjerne, der skulle tilføjes for hver ny stat i Unionen.

Præsident William Henry Harrison fra North Bend bukkede under for lungebetændelse en måned efter hans indvielse.

William Henry Harrisons grav i North Bend. (Foto: Filfoto)

Susanna Madora Salter blev den første kvinde valgt til borgmester i et amerikansk samfund: Argonia, Kansas.

Det amerikanske senat stemte 82-6 for at erklære krig mod Tyskland (Parlamentet fulgte trop to dage senere med en afstemning på 373-50).

Under anden verdenskrig befriede amerikanske styrker nazistiske koncentrationslejr Ohrdruf i Tyskland. Ungarn blev befriet, da sovjetiske styrker ryddede de resterende tyske tropper ud.

Tolv nationer, herunder USA, underskrev den nordatlantiske traktat i Washington, DC

The Beatles lavede musikhistorie ved at holde de fem bedste steder på singlelisterne med sangene "Can't Buy Me Love", "Twist and Shout", "She Loves You", "I Want to Hold Your Hand" og "Please Behage mig."

The Beatles optræder på CBS & quotEd Sullivan Show & quot i New York, i dette 9. februar 1964, filfoto. Fra venstre, foran, er Paul McCartney, George Harrison og John Lennon. Ringo Starr spiller trommer bag. (Foto: AP -fil)

Borgerrettighedsleder pastor Martin Luther King Jr., 39, blev skudt og dræbt, mens han stod på en altan på Lorraine Motel i Memphis, Tennessee. Den formodede gerningsmand James Earl Ray erklærede sig senere skyldig i at myrde King, og tilbragte derefter resten af ​​sit liv med at påstå, at han havde været offer for et setup.

World Trade Center, en gruppe bygninger, der omfattede Twin Towers, der dengang var verdens højeste bygninger, åbnede i New York City. (Twin Towers blev ødelagt i angrebene den 11. september 2001).

Hank Aaron fra Atlanta Braves bandt Babe Ruths hjemmekørselsrekord på 714 med et hjemmeløb på åbningsdagen mod Cincinnati Reds på Riverfront Stadium.

4. APRIL 1974: Hank Aaron baserer hjemmeløb 714 på Riverfront Stadium for at binde Babe Ruths rekord. (Foto: Bob Free/The Enquirer)

Mere end 130 mennesker, de fleste børn, blev dræbt, da et amerikansk luftvåbens transportfly, der evakuerede vietnamesiske forældreløse børn, landede kort efter start fra Saigon.

Microsoft blev grundlagt af Bill Gates og Paul Allen i Albuquerque, New Mexico.

Rumfærgen Challenger brølede i kredsløb på sin jomfrurejse. (Den blev ødelagt under katastrofen i januar 1986.)

Beyonce og Jay-Z blev gift under en privat ceremoni i New York.

En føderal appeldomstol afgjorde for første gang, at borgerrettighedsloven fra 1964 beskyttede LGBT-medarbejdere mod diskrimination på arbejdspladsen i en afgørelse, der vedrørte sagen om en Indiana-lærer, der anklagede for, at hun ikke var ansat på fuld tid, fordi hun var lesbisk.


Fra arkiverne: Martin Luther King Jr. myrdet (4. april 1968)

MEMPHIS, Tenn. — I foråret 1968 havde pastor Martin Luther King Jr. vundet sejre om desegregering og stemmerettigheder og havde planlagt sin fattige folkekampagne, da han vendte opmærksomheden mod Memphis, den grusomme by ved Mississippi -floden. I sin støtte til strejkende sanitetsarbejdere ville King lede marcher og vise, at ikke -voldelig protest stadig virkede.

Men den 4. april på byens Lorraine Motel blev han skudt dødeligt.

Her er tre historier fra The Associated Press dækning af attentatet på Martin Luther King Jr.

MEMPHIS, TENN., 4. APRIL (AP) — Nobelpristager Martin Luther King Jr., far til ikke -vold i den amerikanske borgerrettighedsbevægelse, blev dræbt af en attentatmands kugle torsdag aften.

King, 39, blev ramt i nakken af ​​en kugle, da han stod på balkonen på et motel her. Han døde mindre end en time senere på St. Joseph's Hospital.

Gov. Buford Ellington beordrede straks 4.000 National Guard -tropper tilbage til byen. Et udgangsforbud, der blev fastspændt på Memphis, efter at en kongeledet march blev til optøjer for en uge siden, blev genindført.

Politiet sagde, at voldshændelser, herunder flere brandbomber, blev rapporteret efter Kings død.

Nobels fredsprisvinder fra 1964 stod på balkonen på sit motel her, hvor han var kommet for at lede protester på vegne af byens 1.300 strejkende affaldsarbejdere, de fleste negre, da han blev skudt.

To uidentificerede mænd, der blev anholdt, blev løsladt flere timer senere.

Da ordet om Kings død spredte sig gennem den bedøvede by, plyndrede negre i spredte områder også butikker, stenede politi og brandbiler og smed flere brandbomber. To politifolk blev såret, hovedsageligt af glas, da et haglgevær sprængte deres forrude.

Fire timer efter at King døde, stilnede byen nogle, men politiet rapporterede stadig om sporadiske udbrud.

Politiet sagde også, at de fandt et 30.05 -gevær på Main Street omkring en blok fra motellet, men det blev ikke bekræftet, om det var det våben, der dræbte King.

En medhjælper, der stod i nærheden, sagde, at skuddet ramte King i nakken og nederste højre del af hans ansigt.

"Martin Luther King er død," sagde assisterende politichef Henry Lux, dødens første ord.

Assisterende hospitalsadministrator Paul Hess bekræftede senere, at King døde kl. af et kuglesår i nakken.

Pastor Jesse Jackson sagde, at han og andre i kongens fest var ved at gøre sig klar til at spise middag, da skyderiet fandt sted.

"King var på motelens anden etage," sagde Jackson. "Han havde lige bøjet sig. Hvis han havde stået op, var han ikke blevet slået i ansigtet."

King havde lige fortalt Ben Branch: "Min mand, sørg for at synge 'Blessed Lord' i aften, og syng det godt."

Et skud lød derefter, sagde Jackson.

Jackson sagde, at den eneste lyd, King udtalte efter det, var "Åh!"

"Det væltede ham. Da jeg vendte mig om, så jeg politiet komme overalt. De sagde," hvor kom det fra, "og jeg sagde" bag dig. " Politiet kom fra, hvor skuddet kom. " Branch, et andet medlem af kongens parti, sagde "Kuglen eksploderede i hans ansigt. Den slog ham af fødderne." Solomon Jones, kongens chauffør, sagde, at han så en "mand i hvidt tøj" løbe fra stedet. Volden brød ud igen kort tid efter at King blev skudt. Politiet rapporterede, at snigskytter skød mod politi og National Guard -enheder, og flere personer blev rapporteret ramt af skuddene. Flere brandbomber og andre hærværk er også blevet rapporteret. Politidirektør Frank Holloman beordrede nogle få tilbage til at træde i kraft "indtil videre", da unge løb voldsomt, mange af dem med brandbomber i hænderne.

National Guard -enheder, der først var blevet deaktiveret onsdag efter fem dages vagt her, blev kaldt tilbage til aktiv tjeneste og skyndte sig til Memphis.

En bombetrussel blev ringet til Methodist Hospital, og politiet blev hastet til stedet.

Bevæbnede vagter blev straks udstationeret på St. Joseph's Hospital, hvor King døde.

Holloman sagde, at tidlig efterforskning viste, at snigmorderen var en hvid mand, der var "50 til 100 meter væk i et flophus." Han sagde, at politiet ikke havde konkrete spor, men at to personer var varetægtsfængslet.

NEW YORK, 4. APRIL (AP) — Fra præsident Johnson til en dame, der græd i Detroit, reagerede nationen på mordet på Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. torsdag aften med kvaler, chok og anmodninger om, at hans død ikke ville udløse vold beklagede han.

"Vi har været kede af det," sagde præsident Johnson til nationen i radio og tv. "Jeg beder hver enkelt borger om at afvise den blinde vold, der har ramt Dr. King, som levede af ikke-vold."

Præsidenten sagde, at han udsatte sin rejse til Hawaii til en Vietnam -strategikonference til fredag. Han havde planlagt at forlade omkring midnat torsdag.

Næstformand Hubert H. Humphrey sagde, at drabet "bringer skam i vores land. En apostel for ikke-vold har været offer for vold." Vicepræsidenten sagde imidlertid, at Dr. Kings død vil bringe ny styrke til den sag, han kæmpede for.

Fru Rosa Parks, en af ​​de tidligste fremtrædende skikkelser i den moderne borgerrettighedsbevægelse, græd i sit hjem i Detroit: "Jeg kan ikke tale nu, jeg kan bare ikke tale."

"Martin er død," sagde James Farmer, tidligere national direktør for Congress of Racial Equality. "Gud hjælper os alle.

"Vi dræber vores samvittighed, vi åbner vores sjæl. Jeg kan ikke sige, hvad der er i mit hjerte [-] vrede, frygt, kærlighed til ham og sorg for hans familie og familien for sorte mennesker."

Kirker åbnede deres døre og klargjorde særlige tjenester til Dr. Kings ære. Det protestantiske råd i New York City bad om, at alle kirker forbliver åbne fredag ​​og lørdag, så "alle borgere kan bede til Gud om, at idealerne om denne mands liv ikke vil gå tabt."

James Meredith, der blev skudt i juni 1966 under en vælgerregistreringsmarsch i Mississippi, sagde: "Dette er Amerikas svar på den fredelige, ikke-voldelige måde at opnå rettigheder i dette land."

Gov.John B. Connally Jr. fra Texas, offer for en snigskytte med præsident John F. Kennedy, sagde, at Dr. King "bidrog meget til kaos og turbulens i dette land, men han fortjente ikke denne skæbne."

Roy Wilkins, administrerende direktør for National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, sagde, at NAACP er "chokeret og dybt bedrøvet over det frygtelige mord på Dr. Martin Luther King.. Det vil ikke forblive borgerrettighedsbevægelsen, det vil i stedet anspore det til større aktivitet. "

Leontyne Price, en sopran for Metropolitan Opera og en neger, sagde: "Hvad Dr. Martin Luther King stod for og var, kan aldrig dræbes med en kugle."

Whitney Young, administrerende direktør for National Urban League: "Vi er usigeligt chokerede over mordet på Dr. Martin Luther King, en af ​​vor tids største ledere. Dette er en bitter refleksion over Amerika. Vi frygter for vores land."

Floyd McKissick, national direktør for CORE, sagde, at med Dr. Kings død er ikke-vold nu en død filosofi.

"Dette er racisme i den mest ekstreme form, det er virkelig amerikansk racisme," sagde McKissick. "Vi gør ingen forudsigelser, men, markér mit ord, sorte amerikanere af alle slags og overbevisninger elskede Martin Luther King."

Jackie Robinson, den første neger, der spillede i baseball i majorligaen og nu rådgiver om raceforhold i staten New York: "Jeg er chokeret. Åh, gud, jeg er bange. Jeg er meget bekymret, forstyrret og meget bekymret . Jeg beder Gud, at dette ikke ender på gaderne. "

MEMPHIS, TENN., 4. APRIL (AP) — "Det er virkelig ligegyldigt, hvad der sker nu. Jeg har været på bjergtoppen."

Taleren var Martin Luther King Jr. Hans publikum var en jublende skare på omkring 2.000 tilhængere. Det var onsdag aften.

Mindre end 24 timer senere var landets fornemste ikke-voldelige apostel død [-] offeret for en snigmorderes kugle [-], da han stod på tærsklen til den største test af de teorier, han gik ind for.

King sagde onsdag aften, at han var klar over, at der var fremsat trusler mod hans liv. Men han sagde, at han havde set opfyldelsen af ​​sine mål om ikke-vold og ikke bekymrede sig om fremtiden.

Han sagde, at hans fly til Memphis fra Atlanta tirsdag var blevet forsinket på grund af en bagagesøgning, som flyselskabets embedsmænd sagde, skyldes trusler mod ham.

"Og der har været nogle trusler her omkring," tilføjede han.

"Vi har nogle svære dage forude, men det er virkelig ligegyldigt nu," sagde King. "Fordi jeg har været på bjergtoppen."

Og Andrew Young, koncerndirektør for King's Southern Christian Leadership Conference, sagde, at han kun havde hørt King foretage lignende bemærkninger før [-] i Demopolis, Ala., Under sin Selma-march i 1964.

"Jeg ved ikke, om det var på forhånd eller ikke," sagde Young, da han stod i døren til skadestuen, hvor Nobels fredsprisvinder var blevet taget, efter at han var faldet af kuglen.

Den øverste test af teorien om ikke-vold skulle være kommet næste mandag, da King planlagde at føre en massiv march ned ad den vej, hvor vold brød ud i sidste uge.

Det var første gang i Kings lange historie om borgerrettighedsaktivitet, at et af hans drev var udbrudt i vold. Han var tydeligvis forstyrret.

Young, der vidnede ved en forbundsdomstol seks timer før King blev skudt, blev spurgt af den amerikanske distriktsdommer Bailey Brown, hvilken effekt vold i den kommende march ville have på King.

"Jeg vil sige, at Dr. King ville betragte det som en afvisning af hans filosofi og hele hans livsstil," svarede Young. "Jeg ved ikke, hvornår jeg har set ham som modløs og deprimeret."

Men modløsheden havde forladt Kings stemme, da han onsdag aften talte til publikum. "Lad os stå med større beslutsomhed," sagde han.

"Lad os gå videre i disse udfordringsdage for at gøre Amerika til det, det burde være."


Attentatet og opstandelsen af ​​Martin Luther King, Jr.


Jeg tror ikke på døden uden opstandelse. Hvis de dræber mig, vil jeg rejse mig igen i det salvadoranske folk ...” - Ærkebiskop Oscar Romero, martyr, 24. marts 1980

Uanset om vi er klar over det eller ej, lever vi af historier. Vi lever efter andres historier, mens vi fortæller vores liv efter, hvordan vi lever. Vores handlinger fortæller vores historier. Når vi dør, fortæller andre vores historier, som de vil.

Dette er den åndelige tråd, der forbinder betydningen af ​​vores liv. Det er den måde, vi overgår til andre liv og vender tilbage til vores eget. Men uden sandhed ender vi på det forkerte sted og lever de forkerte historier.

Og inspirerer historierne om visse særlige mennesker os ikke til at fortsætte deres arv, fordi deres ånder er langt stærkere end døden? Deres mod smitter? Er de vidne til livets sejr over døden? Kærlighed fremfor had?

Udfordrer de os ikke til at efterligne dem og tænde ild fra deres opstandne ånder i os?

For kristne er Holy Week tid til dyb refleksion over historien om Jesu død og opstandelse og hvad de betyder for os i dag. I år falder årsdagen for mordet på den kristne profet og martyr, Martin Luther King, Jr., påskedag den 4. april, hvilket giver anledning til dobbelt dybere tanker, der krydser religiøse grænser, hvor mennesker af enhver tro eller ingen kan forene sig i ånden af ​​ikke-voldelig modstand mod krigskræfter, fattigdom, racisme og materialisme-vold i alle dens former. Alt, hvad der står i vejen for, hvad kongen kaldte "det elskede samfund."

At Jesus mødte vold med ikke-voldelig kærlighed og frivilligt trådte ind i dødens og forladelsens mørke, er kernen i den kristne tro. Så også hans opstandelse. Hvis den jødiske radikale Jesus ikke var blevet henrettet af de romerske statsbesattere i Palæstina, hvis alt håb for hans tilhængere tilsyneladende ikke var gået tabt, så kunne hans opstandelse ikke have affødt håb hos sine tilhængere om at fortsætte sin kærlighedsånd til de fattige, de fortrængte og de udstødte – hans modstand mod vold.

Ligesom Oscar Romero i El Salvador, skudt ned af amerikanske uddannede dødsskvadroner ved alteret, mens han tilbød messe og efterfølgende udnævnt til en helgen af ​​den romersk -katolske kirke, burde Martin Luther King, Jr.s vidne og sandheden om hans død være en central meditativt fokus i år. For konvergensen af ​​kongens død den 4. april 1968 med påske den 4. april og den sidste påskedag giver os en måde at overveje, hvad der nu kræves af alle mennesker, der længes efter enden på had, vold og uretfærdighed, og skabelse af et elsket verdenssamfund, hvor kærlighed og venlighed hersker.

Alle profeter og martyrer 'ånd handler om nu, ikke dengang om os, ikke dem, det konfronterer os med udfordringen at forhøre os selv.

Skal vi vende os bort fra deres vidne? Hvad virkelig animerer vores sjæl? Hvor står vi? Støtter vi statens magt til at dræbe og føre krig, at nægte folk frihed, at diskriminere, at undertrykke de fattige?

Det er altid om nu den levende sandhed er nu.

At overveje profetenes liv tager os meget dybt ind i mørket, hvor vi støder på mordene på Jesus, Kong, Romero og alle dem, der er døde, for at gøre fred og retfærdighed til virkelighed. Men kun hvis vi går ind i de mørkeste sandheder, vil vi kunne se det lys, der får os til at acceptere den opstandne ånd af deres modstand mod det onde.

En anden profet i vores ødelagte verden, hinduen Mohandas Gandhi, sjælsbror til King, gentog de ord, som mange har hørt, at "Gud valgte det, der er svagt i verden for at skamme de stærke", når han i overgangen til den kristne tradition , fortalte han os: ”Vi tør ikke tænke på fødsel uden død på korset. Levende Kristus betyder et levende kors, uden det er livet en levende død.”[1]

Så hvad skal vi vide om MLK, og hvorfor gør det noget?

Kings sande historie

Meget få amerikanere er klar over sandheden bag mordet på Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., USAs berømte borgerrettighedsikon. Der er skrevet få bøger om det, i modsætning til andre betydningsfulde attentater, især JFK. I mere end halvtreds år har der været en medieafbrydelse understøttet af regeringens desinformation for at skjule sandheden. Og få mennesker har i en massiv handling af selvbedrag valgt at sætte spørgsmålstegn ved den officielle forklaring og snarere valgt at omfavne en mytisk opspind, der har til formål at sukkerbelægge den bitre frugt, der er resultatet af mordet på en mand, der er i stand til at lede en masse bevægelse for transformativ forandring i USA. I dag spiser vi frugten af ​​vores benægtelse, da racediskrimination, fattigdom og politivold høster overskrifterne.

Efter mere end et årti som Amerikas mest kendte og mest respekterede borgerrettighedsleder, havde pastor Martin Luther King Jr. i 1968 i stigende grad fokuseret på fattigdomsspørgsmål og offentligt erklæret sin intense modstand mod USA's krig mod Vietnam i en berømt tale-" Beyond Vietnam: The Time To Break the Silence ” - i New Yorks Riverside Church den 4. april 1967, et år dagen før han blev myrdet. [2]

Efter at have vundet Nobels fredspris i 1964 opstod han i midten af ​​1960'erne som en international figur, hvis meninger om menneskerettigheder og økonomiske rettigheder og fredelig sameksistens var indflydelsesrige på verdensplan. Kort før mordet organiserede han Fattigfolkets kampagne, der ville involvere hundredtusinder af amerikanere, der ville slå lejr i Washington, DC for at kræve afslutning på økonomisk ulighed, racisme og krig.

På samme tid blev pastor King hadet af en række racister i hele Amerika, især i det amerikanske syd. Blandt hans største erklærede fjender var FBI -direktør J. Edgar Hoover, der virkede overbevist om, at Kings støttespillere var kommunister for at skade Amerikas interesser. I slutningen af ​​1960'erne skabte FBI's COINTELPRO-program et netværk af informanter og agentprovokatører for at undergrave borgerrettigheder og antikrigsbevægelser med særligt fokus på King. [3]

Efter Kings "I Have a Dream" -tale i 1963 skrev William Sullivan, lederen af ​​FBI's indenlandske efterretningstjeneste, i et notat efter talen:

Personligt tror jeg i lyset af Kings kraftfulde, demagogiske tale, at han står hoved og skuldre over alle andre negerledere tilsammen, når det kommer til at påvirke store masser. Vi må markere ham nu, hvis vi ikke har gjort det før, som fremtidens farligste neger i denne nation set ud fra kommunismen, negeren og den nationale sikkerhed. [4]

Efter omfattende aflytning af King sendte FBI ham efterfølgende et anonymt brev, der opfordrede ham til at dræbe sig selv, ellers ville hans udenomsægteskabelige sexliv blive afsløret. FBI's og dets direktør J Edgar Hoovers had til King var så stort, at intet var for lavt for dem. [5]

Denne historie er almindelig kendt som rapporteret i Washington Post, New York Times, etc.

Under høringerne i Senatets Kirkeudvalg i midten af ​​1970'erne blev en parallel gruppe inden for CIA, kodenavnet CHAOS, afdækket. På trods af at chartret ikke tillod det at operere i USA, brugte CIA på samme måde ulovlige midler til at forstyrre borgerrettigheder og antikrigsbevægelser.

Fordi MLK i sin Riverside Church -tale tydeligt talte til det, han identificerede der som "den største voldsleverandør i verden i dag - min egen regering" og fortsatte ubarmhjertigt at konfrontere sin egen regering om dens kriminelle krig mod Vietnam, var han universelt fordømt af massemedierne og regeringen, der senere - engang han var længe og sikkert død og ikke længere var en trussel - roste ham til himlen. Dette er fortsat til i dag med historisk hukommelsestab.

I dag fejres Martin Luther Kings fødselsdag med en national helligdag, men hans dødsdag forsvinder ned ad hukommelseshullet. Over hele landet - som reaktion på King Holiday and Service Act vedtaget af kongressen og underskrevet af præsident Bill Clinton i 1994 - opfordres folk til at gøre dagen til tjeneste (fra latin, servus = slave). Etymologisk ironi til side, sådan service omfatter ikke Kings forpligtelse til at protestere mod et dekadent system af racemæssig og økonomisk uretfærdighed eller ikke-voldeligt modstå den krigsførende stat, der er USA. Regeringsstøttet service er kulturel nyliberalisme når det er bedst.

Ordet service er et ladet ord, det er blevet et smiley og modeord i løbet af de sidste 35 år. Det er klart at bruge MLK -dagen: enkeltpersoner opfordres til frivilligt at deltage i aktiviteter som at undervise børn, male seniorcentre, levere måltider til ældre osv., Aktiviteter der er gode i sig selv, men langt mindre gode, når de bruges til at skjule en amerikansk profets besked. Martin Luther Kings arbejde var jo ikke frivilligt i det lokale madkammer med Oprah Winfrey, der heppede på ham.

Men tjeneste uden sandhed er slaveri. Det er propaganda, der sigter mod at overbevise anstændige mennesker til at tro, at de tjener essensen af ​​MLK's budskab, mens de følger et budskab om fejlretning.

At uddanne folk om, hvem der dræbte King, og hvorfor, og hvorfor det er vigtigt i dag, er den største tjeneste, vi kan yde hans minde.

Hvad er egentlig forholdet mellem Kings ord om, at "den største voldsleverandør i verden i dag - min egen regering" og hans mord?

Lad os se på fakta.

Martin Luther King, Jr. blev myrdet den 4. april 1968 kl. 18:01, da han stod på balkonen på Lorraine Motel i Memphis, Tennessee. Han blev skudt i nederste højre side af hans ansigt af en riffelkugle, der knuste hans kæbe, beskadigede hans øvre rygsøjle og kom til at hvile under hans venstre skulderblad. Den amerikanske regering hævdede, at snigmorderen var en racistisk enspænder ved navn James Earl Ray, som var flygtet fra Missouri State Penitentiary den 23. april 1967. Ray skulle have affyret det fatale skud fra et badeværelsesvindue på anden sal i et værelseshus ovenover bagsiden af ​​Jim ’s Grill på tværs af gaden. Da han løb til sit lejede værelse, samlede Ray angiveligt sine ejendele, herunder riflen, i et bundt med sengetæppe, skyndte sig ud af hoveddøren til den tilstødende gade og i panik faldt bundtet i døren til Canipe Amusement Company et par stykker døre ned. Han blev derefter sagt at have sprunget i sin hvide Mustang og have kørt til Atlanta, hvor han forlod bilen. From there he fled to Canada and then to England and then to Portugal and back to England where he was eventually arrested at Heathrow Airport on June 8, 1968, and extradited to the U.S. The state claims that the money Ray needed to purchase the car and for all his travel was secured through various robberies and a bank heist. Ray’s alleged motive was racism and that he was a bitter and dangerous loner.

When Ray, under extraordinary pressure, coercion, and a payoff from his lawyer to take a plea, pleaded guilty (only a few days later to request a trial that was denied) and was sentenced to 99 years in prison, the case seemed to be closed, and was dismissed from public consciousness. Another hate-filled lone assassin, as the government also termed Lee Harvey Oswald and Sirhan Sirhan, had committed a despicable deed.

Ray had received erroneous advice from his attorney, Percy Foreman. Foreman had a long history representing government, corporate, intelligence, and mafia figures, including Jack Ruby, in cases where the government wanted to keep people silent. Ray was told that the government would go after Ray’s father and brother, Jerry, and that he’d get the electric chair if he didn’t plead guilty,

Ray initially acquiesced. He entered what is known as an Alford plea before Judge Preston Battle. In making his plea, Ray did not admit to any criminal act and asserted his innocence. The following day, he fired Percy Foreman, who, by offering money to induce a guilty plea, had committed a criminal offense. Foreman had also lied to Judge Battle about his contract with Ray. And, the transcript of Ray’s testimony was doctored to help support the government’s case. Ray was sentenced to life in prison. After three days, Ray tried to retract his plea and maintained his innocence for almost 30 years until his death.

The United State government’s case against James Earl Ray was extremely weak from the start, and in the intervening years has grown so weak that it is no longer believable. A vast body of evidence has accumulated that renders it patently false.

But before examining such evidence, it is important to point out that MLK, Jr, his father, Rev. M. L. King, Sr, and his maternal grandfather, Rev. A.D. Williams, all pastors of Atlanta’s Ebenezer Baptist Church, were spied on by Army Intelligence and the FBI since 1917.[6] All were considered dangerous because of their espousal of racial and economic equality. None of this had to do with war or foreign policy, but such spying was connected to their religious opposition to racist and economic policies that stretched back to slavery, realities that have been officially acknowledged today. But when MLK, Jr. forcefully denounced unjust and immoral war-making as well, especially the Vietnam war, and announced his Poor People’s Campaign and intent to lead a massive peaceful encampment of hundreds of thousands in Washington, D.C., he set off panic in the inner sanctums of the government. Seventy-five years of spying on black religious leaders here found its ultimate “justification.”

The corporate mass media has for more than fifty years echoed the government’s version of the King assassination. Here and there, however, mainly through the alternative media, and also through the monumental work and persistence of the King family lawyer, William Pepper, the truth about the assassination has surfaced. Through decades of research, a TV trial, a jury trial, and three meticulously researched books, Pepper has documented the parts played in the assassination by F.B.I. Director J. Edgar Hoover, the F.B.I., Army Intelligence, Memphis Police, and southern Mafia figures. In his last two books, An Act of State (2003) and later The Plot to Kill King (2016), Pepper presents his comprehensive case.

William Pepper’s decades-long investigation not only refutes the flimsy case against James Earl Ray, but definitively proves that King was killed by a government conspiracy led by J. Edgar Hoover and the FBI, Army Intelligence, and Memphis Police, assisted by southern Mafia figures. He is right to assert that “we have probably acquired more detailed knowledge about this political assassination than we have ever had about any previous historical event.” This makes the silence around this case even more shocking.

This shock is accentuated when one is reminded (or told for the first time) that in 1999 a Memphis jury, after a thirty-day trial with over seventy witnesses, found the U.S. government guilty in the killing of MLK.

In that 1999 Memphis civil trial (see complete transcript) brought by the King family, the jury found that King was murdered by a conspiracy that included governmental agencies.[7] The corporate media, when they reported it at all, dismissed the jury’s verdict and those who accepted it, including the entire King family led by Coretta Scott King[8], as delusional. Tid magazine called the verdict a confirmation of the King family’s “lurid fantasies.” Washington Post compared those who believed it with those who claimed that Hitler was unfairly accused of genocide. A smear campaign ensued that has continued to the present day and then the fact that a trial ever occurred disappeared down the memory hole so that today most people never heard of it and assume MLK was killed by a crazy white racist, James Earl Ray, if they know even that.

The civil trial was the King family’s last resort to get a public hearing to disclose the truth of the assassination. They and Pepper knew, and proved, that Ray was an innocent pawn, but Ray had died in prison in 1998 after trying for thirty years to get a trial and prove his innocence. During all these years, Ray had maintained that he had been manipulated by a shadowy figure named Raul, who supplied him with money and his white Mustang and coordinated all his complicated travels, including having him buy a rifle and come to Jim’s Grill and the boarding house on the day of the assassination to give it to Raul. The government has always denied Raul existed. Pepper proved that that was a lie.

Slowly, however, glimmers of light have been shed on that trial and truth of the assassination.

On March 30, 2018, Washington Post’s crime reporter, Tom Jackman, published a four-column front-page article, “Who killed Martin Luther King Jr.? His family believes James Earl Ray was framed.” While not close to an endorsement of the trial’s conclusions, it is a far cry from past nasty dismissals of those who agreed with the jury’s verdict as conspiracy nuts or Hitler supporters. After decades of clouding over the truth of MLK’s assassination, some rays of truth have come peeping through, and on the front page of the WP at that.

Jackman makes it very clear that all the surviving King family members – Bernice, Dexter, and Martin III – are in full agreement that James Earl Ray, the accused assassin, did not kill their father, and that there was and continues to be a conspiracy to cover up the truth. He adds to that the words of the highly respected civil rights icon and now deceased U.S. Congressman from Georgia, Rep. John Lewis (D-Ga.), who said:

I think there was a major conspiracy to remove Dr. King from the American scene,

and former U.N. ambassador and Atlanta mayor Andrew Young, who was with King at the Lorraine Motel when he was shot, who concurs:

I would not accept the fact that James Earl Ray pulled the trigger, and that is all that matters.

Additionally, Jackman adds that Andrew Young emphasized that the assassination of King came after that of President Kennedy, Malcolm X, and a few months before that of Senator Robert Kennedy.

“We were living in a period of assassinations,” he quotes Young as saying, a statement clearly intimating their linkages and coming from a widely respected and honorable man.

In the years leading up to Pepper’s 1978 involvement in the MLK case, only a few lonely voices expressed doubts about the government’s case, such as, Harold Weisberg’s Frame Up in 1971 and Mark Lane’s and Dick Gregory’s Code Name “Zorro” in 1977. While other lonely researchers dug deeper, most of the country put themselves and the case to sleep.

As with the assassinations of President Kennedy and his brother, Robert (two months after MLK), all evidence points to the construction of scapegoats to take the blame for government executions. Ray, Oswald, and Sirhan Sirhan all bear striking resemblances in the ways they were chosen and moved as pawns over long periods of time into positions where their only reactions could be stunned surprise when they were accused of the murders.

It took Pepper many years to piece together the essential truths, once he and Reverend Ralph Abernathy, Dr. King’s associate, interviewed Ray in prison in 1978. The first giveaway that something was seriously amiss came with the 1979 House Select Committee on Assassinations’ report on the King assassination. Led by Robert Blakey, suspect in his conduct of the other assassination inquiries, who had replaced Richard Sprague, who was deemed to be too independent, “this multi-million-dollar investigation ignored or denied all evidence that raised the possibility that James Earl Ray was innocent,” and that government forces might be involved. Pepper lists in his book over twenty such omissions that rival the absurdities of the magical thinking of the Warren Commission. The HSCA report became the template “for all subsequent disinformation in print and visual examinations of this case” for the past forty-two years.

Blocked at every turn by the authorities and unable to get Ray a trial, Pepper arranged an unscripted, mock TV trial that aired on April 4, 1993, the twenty-fifth anniversary of the assassination. Jurors were selected from a pool of U.S. citizens, a former U.S. Attorney and a federal judge served as prosecutor and judge, with Pepper serving as defense attorney. He presented extensive evidence clearly showing that authorities had withdrawn all security for King that the state’s chief witness was falling down drunk that the alleged bathroom sniper’s nest was empty right before the shot was fired that three eyewitnesses, including the New York Times’ Earl Caldwell, said that the shot came from the bushes behind the rooming house and that two eyewitnesses saw Ray drive away in his white Mustang before the shooting, etc. The prosecution’s feeble case was rejected by the jury that found Ray not guilty.

As with all Pepper’s work on the case, the mainstream media responded with silence. And though this was only a TV trial, increasing evidence emerged that the owner of Jim’s Grill, Loyd Jowers, was deeply involved in the assassination. Pepper dug deeper, and on December 16, 1993, Loyd Jowers appeared on ABC’s Primetime Live that aired nationwide. Pepper writes:

Loyd Jowers cleared James Earl Ray, saying that he did not shoot MLK but that he, Jowers, had hired a shooter after he was approached by Memphis produce man Frank Liberto and paid $100,000 to facilitate the assassination. He also said that he had been visited by a man named Raul who delivered a rifle and asked him to hold it until arrangements were finalized …. The morning after the Primetime Live broadcast there was no coverage of the previous night’s program, not even on ABC …. Here was a confession, on prime-time television, to involvement in one of the most heinous crimes in the history of the Republic, and virtually no American mass-media coverage.

In the twenty-eight years since that confession, Pepper has worked tirelessly on the case and has uncovered a plethora of additional evidence that refutes the government’s claims and indicts it and the media for a continuing cover-up. The evidence he has gathered, detailed and documented in An Act of State og The Plot to Kill King, proves that Martin Luther King was killed by a conspiracy masterminded by the U.S. government. The foundation of his case proving that was presented at the 1999 trial, while other supporting documentation was subsequently discovered.

Since the names and details involved make clear that, as with the murders of JFK and RFK, the conspiracy was very sophisticated with many moving parts organized at the highest level, I will just highlight a few of his findings in what follows.

  • Pepper refutes the government and proves, through multiple witnesses, telephonic, and photographic evidence, that Raul existed that his full name is Raul Coelho and that he was James Earl Ray’s intelligence handler, who provided him with money and instructions from their first meeting in the Neptune Bar in Montreal, where Ray had fled in 1967 after his prison escape, until the day of the assassination. It was Raul who instructed Ray to return from Canada to the U.S. (an act that makes no sense for an escaped prisoner who had fled the country), gave him money for the white Mustang, helped him attain travel documents, and moved him around the country like a pawn on a chess board. The parallels to Lee Harvey Oswald are startling.
  • He presents the case of Donald Wilson, a former FBI agent working out of the Atlanta office in 1968, who went with a senior colleague to check out an abandoned white Mustang with Alabama plates (Ray’s car, to which Raul had a set of keys) and opened the passenger door to find that an envelope and some papers fell out onto the ground. Thinking he may have disturbed a crime scene, the nervous Wilson pocketed them. Later, when he read them, their explosive content intuitively told him that if he gave them to his superiors they would be destroyed. One piece was a torn-out page from a 1963 Dallas telephone directory with the name Raul written at the top, and the letter “J” with a Dallas telephone number for a club run by Jack Ruby, Oswald’s killer. The page was for the letter H and had numerous phone numbers for H. L. Hunt, Dallas oil billionaire and a friend of FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover. Both men hated MLK. The second sheet contained Raul’s name and a list of names and sums and dates for payment. On the third sheet was written the telephone number and extension for the Atlanta FBI office. (Read James W. Douglass’s important interview with Donald Wilson in Attentaterne, pp.479-491.)
  • Pepper shows that the alias Ray was given and used from July 1967 until April 4, 1968 – Eric Galt – was the name of a Toronto U.S. Army Intelligence operative, Eric St. Vincent Galt, who worked for Union Carbide with Top Secret clearance. The warehouse at the Canadian Union Carbide Plant in Toronto that Galt supervised “housed a top-secret munitions project funded jointly by the CIA, the U.S. Naval Surface Weapons Center, and the Army Electronics Research and Development Command …. In August 1967, Galt met with Major Robert M. Collins, a top aide to the head of the 902 nd Military Intelligence Group (MIG), Colonel John Downie.” Downie selected four members for an Alpha 184 Sniper Unit that was sent to Memphis to back up the primary assassin of MLK. Meanwhile, Ray, set up as the scapegoat, was able to move about freely since he was protected by the pseudonymous NSA clearance for Eric Galt.
  • To refute the government’s claim that Ray and his brother robbed the Alton, Illinois Bank to finance his travels and car purchase (therefore no Raul existed), Pepper “called the sheriff in Alton and the president of the bank they gave the same statement. The Ray brothers had nothing to do with the robbery. No one from the HSCA, the FBI, or New York Times had sought their opinion.” CNN later reiterated the media falsehood that became part of the official false story.
  • Pepper shows that the fatal shot came from the bushes behind Jim’s Grill and the rooming house, not from the bathroom window. He presents overwhelming evidence for this, showing that the government’s claim, based on the testimony on a severely drunk Charlie Stephens, was absurd. His evidence includes the testimony of numerous eyewitnesses and that of Loyd Jowers (a nine-and-a-half-hour deposition), the owner of Jim’s Grill, who said he joined another person in the bushes, and after the shot was fired to kill King, he brought the rifle back into the Grill through the back door. Thus, Ray was not the assassin.
  • He presents conclusive evidence that the bushes were cut down the morning after the assassination in an attempt to corrupt the crime scene. The order to do so came from Memphis Police Department Inspector Sam Evans to Maynard Stiles, a senior administrator of the Memphis Department of Public Works.
  • He shows how King’s room was moved from a safe interior room, 201, to balcony room, 306, on the upper floor how King was conveniently positioned alone on the balcony by members of his own entourage for the easy mortal head shot from the bushes across the street. (Many people only remember the iconic photograph taken after-the-fact with Jesse Jackson, Andrew Young, et al., standing over the fallen King and pointing across the street.) He uncovers the role of black Memphis Police Department Domestic Intelligence and military intelligence agent Marrell McCollough, attached to the 111 th MIG, within the entourage. McCollough can be seen kneeling over the fallen King, checking to see if he’s dead. McCollough officially joined the CIA in 1974 (see Douglass Valentine’s “Deconstructing Kowalski: The DOJ’s Strange MLK Report”)
  • Pepper confirms that all of this, including that the assassin in the bushes was dutifully photographed by Army Intelligence agents situated on the nearby Fire House roof.
  • He presents evidence that all security for Dr. King was withdrawn from the area by the Memphis Police Department, including a special security unit of black officers, and four tactical police units. A black detective at the nearby fire station, Ed Redditt, was withdrawn from his post on the afternoon of April 4 th , allegedly because of a death threat against him. And the only two black firemen at Fire Station No. 2 were transferred to another station.
  • He confirms the presence of “Operation Detachment Alpha 184 team,” a Special Forces sniper team in civilian disguise at locations high above the Lorraine Motel balcony, and he names one soldier, John D. Hill, as part of Alpha 184 and another military team, Selma Twentieth SFG, that was in Memphis.
  • He explains the use of two white mustangs in the operation to frame Ray.
  • He proves that Ray had driven off before the shooting that Lloyd Jowers took the rifle from the shooter who was in the bushes that the Memphis police were working in close collaboration with the FBI, Army Intelligence, and the “Dixie Mafia,” particularly local produce dealer Frank Liberto and his New Orleans associate Carlos Marcello and that every aspect of the government’s case was filled with holes that any person familiar with the details and possessing elementary logical abilities could refute.
  • So importantly, Pepper shows how the mainstream media and government flacks have spent years covering up the truth of MLK’s murder through lies and disinformation, just as they have done with the Kennedy and Malcom X assassinations that are of a piece with this one.

There is such a mass of evidence through depositions, documents, interviews, photographs, etc. in Pepper’s An Act of State og The Plot to Kill King that makes it abundantly clear that the official explanation that James Earl Ray killed Martin Luther King is false and that there was a conspiracy to assassinate him that involved the FBI and other government agencies. Only those inoculated against the truth can ignore such evidence and continue to believe the official version.

Martin Luther King was a transmitter of a radical non-violent spiritual and political energy so plenipotent that his very existence was a threat to an established order based on institutionalized violence, racism, and economic exploitation. He was a very dangerous man to the U.S. government and all the institutional and deep state forces armed against him.

Revolutionaries are, of course, anathema to the power elites who, with all their might, resist such rebels’ efforts to transform society. If they can’t buy them off, they knock them off. Fifty-three years after King’s assassination, the causes he fought for – civil rights, the end to U.S. wars of aggression, and economic justice for all – remain not only unfulfilled, but have worsened in so many respects.

They will not be resolved until this nation decides to confront the truth of why and by whom he was killed.

For the government that honors Dr. King with a national holiday killed him. This is the suppressed truth behind the highly promoted MLK Day of service. It is what you are not supposed to know.

But it is what we need to know in order to resurrect his spirit in us, so we can carry on his mission and emulate his witness.

[1] As quoted in James W. Douglass, The Non-Violent Cross, New York, 1968, p. 57

[2] See “50 Years Ago: Riverside Church and MLK’s Final Year of Experiments With Truth,” David Ratcliffe, rat haus reality press, 4 April 2017
A significant moment in Dr. King’s odyssey occurred on 14 January 1967 when he first saw a photographic essay by William Pepper about the children of Vietnam. Initially, while he hadn’t had a chance to read the text, it was the photographs that stopped him. Bernard Lee, who was present at the time, never forgot Martin King’s shock as he looked at photographs of young napalm victims: “Martin had known about the [Vietnam] war before then, of course, and had spoken out against it. But it was then that he decided to commit himself to oppose it.” The truth force in these photographs led directly to Dr. King’s Riverside Church exhortation in April.
See “The Truth of The Children of Vietnam: A Way of Liberation – How Will We Challenge Militarism, Racism, and Extreme Materialism?, David Ratcliffe, rat haus reality press, 30 November 2017

[3] Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., Case Study, US Senate, Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities (“Church Committee”), Final Report – Book III: Supplementary Detailed Staff Reports on Intelligence Activities and the Rights of Americans, 23 April 1976, pp. 79-184

[7] An overview of the trial with links back into the court transcript is “The Martin Luther King Conspiracy Exposed in Memphis,” Jim Douglass, Probe Magazine, Spring 2000. Apart from the courtroom participants, Douglass was one of only two people who attended the entire thirty-day trial.

[8] See Transcript of the King Family Press Conference on the Martin Luther King Assassination Conspiracy Trial Verdict, Atlanta, Georgia, 9 December 1999

Many thanks to my good friends Dave Ratcliffe and Jim Douglass for all their help.


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Issues #1 through #8 appeared in print. Back issues are still available in our webshop and can be ordered online. After Issue #8 all further issues will appear online only.

What is Patreon? And why do you use it?

We initially hosted subscriptions on our own website, but the admin and technical maintenance massively distracted us from our editorial tasks. Patreon offers a user-friendly alternative, allowing readers to pledge a monthly contribution and set their own amount — from each according to their ability!

How long will my patronage of ROAR last?

Patreon will charge your card monthly for the amount you pledged. You can cancel this pledge anytime.

Where will the money of my “patronage” go?

The proceeds from your monthly pledge will go directly towards sustaining ROAR as an independent publication and building our collective power as a movement.

No, but seriously, where does my money go?

ROAR is published by the Foundation for Autonomous Media and Research, an independent non-profit organization registered in Amsterdam, the Netherlands. All editors and board members are volunteers. This allows us to spend all income from our Patreon account on sustaining and expanding our publishing project. Once we have paid for basic running costs like web hosting, the remaining proceeds will be invested in high-quality content and illustrations for future issues.

Does ROAR have any other sources of income?

In 2014, we raised about $10,000 in a crowdfunding campaign and we received a starting grant to complete our new website from the Foundation for Democracy and Media in Amsterdam, the Netherlands. Beside the sale of back issues, our Patreon account is currently our only source of income, meaning we depend entirely on the solidarity of our readers to keep the publication going.

So why should I become a ROAR patron?

ROAR is not just another online magazine — it is a multimedia loudspeaker for the movements and an intellectual breeding ground for revolutionary ideas. When you pledge a monthly contribution you will not just receive early access to some of the freshest and most radical content on the web, but you will also help sustain a unique self-managed publishing project, strengthening the voices of activists around the world.


1968: The Last Speech of Martin Luther King on the Eve of his Assassination

The last speech he gave in Memphis, Tennessee. That speech is usually called “I’ve Been to the Mountaintop” and, like his other speeches, shows a great oratorical skill.

Just to recall, Martin Luther King was an African-American civil rights activist and Nobel Peace Prize winner in 1964.

In his speech “I’ve Been to the Mountaintop”, the final part is particularly interesting, as it announces his impending death in a somewhat prophetic way. Namely, in that speech Martin Luther King said:

“Like anybody, I would like to live a long life. Lang levetid har sin plads. But I’m not concerned about that now. I just want to do God’s will. And He’s allowed me to go up to the mountain. And I’ve looked over. And I’ve seen the Promised Land. Jeg kommer måske ikke dertil med dig. But I want you to know tonight, that we, as a people, will get to the Promised Land!”

The whole speech was named by the following passage:

“Well, I do not know what will happen now. We’ve got some difficult days ahead. But it really does not matter with me now, because I’ve been to the mountaintop.”


Se videoen: The Life of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. - MLK Day! Animated Black History Month Video (Januar 2023).

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