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Franklin Pierce Adams

Franklin Pierce Adams


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Franklin Pierce Adams, søn af Moses og Clara Schlossberg Adams, blev født i Chicago, Illinois, den 15. november 1881. Adams tog eksamen fra Armor Scientific Academy i 1899, gik på University of Michigan, inden han forlod for at arbejde i forsikring.

Adams begyndte at arbejde for Chicago Evening Journal i 1903. Først var han sportsforfatter, men han skrev også en klumme, hvor han kunne udtrykke sin store humor. I 1904 flyttede han til New York aftenpost at skrive en spalte, altid i godt humør. Det var en stor succes, og ifølge Howard Teichmann "indeholdt det små bidder om mange ting, men hver syntes at være en meget poleret juvel, hver en perle af fashionabel prosa eller poesi." Adams opfordrede læsere til at sende bidrag. I denne periode inkluderede bidragydere Edna St. Vincent Millay, Sinclair Lewis, Dorothy Parker, Edna Ferber, Alice Duer Miller, Deems Taylor og Ring Lardner.

Adams accepterede også materiale fra en ung båndsælger, George S. Kaufman. I 1908 arrangerede han at møde Kaufman. Forfatteren af George S. Kaufman: Et intimt portræt (1972) påpeger: "Da de mødtes, var det som om alt i Adams var overdrevet i Kaufman. Adams var tynd, Kaufman var tynd. Adams 'hud var blek, Kaufman var gul. Kaufmans næse var større end Adams, hans briller var tykkere, hans hår sortere og busket. Adams var fem fod otte centimeter i højden; Kaufman stod over seks fod ... Adams var en mand. Kaufman var en atten-årig dreng. "

I 1911 tilføjede han en anden spalte, en parodi på Samuel Pepys 'dagbog, med noter hentet fra hans personlige oplevelser. For eksempel rapporterede han om forlovelsen af ​​sin ven, Heywood Broun og Lydia Lopokova. "Heywood Broun, kritikeren, jeg hører, er blevet forlovet med elskerinde Lydia Lopokova, den smukke skuespillerinde og danser. Han præsenterede hende for mig i aftes, og hun virkede som en munter nisse."

I 1914 flyttede han sin klumme til New York Tribune, hvor det blev titlen The Conning Tower. Ifølge John Keats, forfatteren til Du kan lige så godt leve: Dorothy Parkers liv og tider (1971): "Adams, en erudit og vittig mand, der meget lignede en smalskuldret elg, havde før krigen redigeret byens mest læste og kyndige avisspalte."

Under første verdenskrig tjente Adams i militær efterretning. Han blev senere tildelt den nyligt etablerede Stjerner og striber, en ugeavis af hvervede mænd til hvervede mænd. Harold Ross var redaktør og andre, der arbejdede på avisen, omfattede Alexander Woollcott, Cyrus Leroy Baldridge, Grantland Rice, Adolf Shelby Ochs, Stephen Early og Guy Viskniskki. Adams hovedbidrag var en spalte med titlen The Listening Post.

Efter krigen vendte han tilbage til New York Tribune. I denne periode blev han tilknyttet en gruppe, der spiste frokost sammen i spisestuen på Algonquin Hotel. Denne gruppe blev til sidst kendt som Algonquin Round Table og omfattede Robert E. Sherwood, Dorothy Parker, Robert Benchley, Alexander Woollcott, Heywood Broun, Harold Ross, Donald Ogden Stewart, Edna Ferber, Ruth Hale, Jane Grant, Neysa McMein, Alice Duer Miller, Charles MacArthur, Marc Connelly, George S. Kaufman, Beatrice Kaufman, Frank Crowninshield, Ben Hecht, John Peter Toohey, Lynn Fontanne, Alfred Lunt og Ina Claire.

Samuel Hopkins Adams, forfatteren til Alexander Woollcott: Hans liv og hans verden (1946), har argumenteret: "Algonquin profiterede stærkt af den litterære atmosfære, og Frank Case beviste sin taknemmelighed ved at indrette et arbejdsrum, hvor Broun kunne hamre sit eksemplar ud, og Benchley kunne skifte til den middagsfrakke, som han ceremonielt bar til alle åbninger . Woollcott og Franklin Pierce Adams nød forbigående rettigheder til disse kvarterer. Senere satte Case et pokerrum af til hele medlemskabet. " Pokerspillerne omfattede Adams, Alexander Woollcott, Herbert Bayard Swope, Robert Benchley, Harold Ross, Heywood Broun, George S. Kaufman, Deems Taylor, Laurence Stallings, Harpo Marx, Jerome Kern og prins Antoine Bibesco. Ved en lejlighed tabte Woollcott fire tusind dollars på en aften og protesterede: "Min læge siger, at det er dårligt for mine nerver at tabe så meget." Det blev også hævdet, at Harpo Marx "vandt tredive tusinde dollars mellem middag og daggry". Howard Teichmann, forfatteren til George S. Kaufman: Et intimt portræt (1972) har argumenteret for, at Broun, Adams, Benchley, Ross og Woollcott alle var ringere pokerspillere, Swope og Marx blev bedømt som "ret gode" og Kaufmann var "den bedste ærlige pokerspiller i byen."

På dette tidspunkt var Franklin Pierce Adams berømt. Brian Gallagher, forfatteren til Alting går: Neysa McMeins jazzalder og hendes ekstravagante vennekreds (1987) har argumenteret: "I spalten kombinerede Adams skarpe observationer om nutidige tendenser og begivenheder - han var bedstefar eller måske oldefar til New Yorker humoristisk stil - med bidragene, hovedsageligt lette vers og apercus, sendt af en villig, talentfuld og ulønnet gruppe af håbefulde forfattere. Malerisk og skør, som den nu lyder, satte spalten nye standarder i amerikansk humor (legitimering af ordspil for én ting) og hjalp med at starte en lang række forfatteres karriere .... Hvis FPA var, som flere kommentatorer har bemærket, mere af en dirigent end en forfatter, var det rigtigt, at han slog et hurtigt, let og for tiden vittigt tempo. I 1920 var FPA det mest kendte sæt af ikke-præsidentielle initialer i landet. "

I 1921 etablerede Ruth Hale Lucy Stone League. Den første medlemsliste omfattede kun halvtreds navne. Dette omfattede Adams, Heywood Broun, Jane Grant, Neysa McMein, Beatrice Kaufman, Anita Loos, Zona Gale, Janet Flanner og Fannie Hurst. Dens principper blev kraftigt udtrykt i en pjece skrevet af Hale: "Vi bliver gentagne gange spurgt, hvorfor vi ærgrer os over at tage en mands navn i stedet for en andens, hvorfor vi med andre ord protesterer mod at tage en mands navn, når alt, hvad vi har, alligevel er en fars navn ... Måske er det korteste svar på det, at i tiden siden det var vores fars navn, er det blevet vores eget, at der mellem fødsel og ægteskab er vokset et menneske op med alle følelser, tanker, aktiviteter osv. For ethvert nyt Nogle gange er det nyttigt at reservere et billede, vi har set for længe på, da en maler kan vende sit lærred til et spejl for at fange ved en ny justering fejl, han måske havde overset ved at blive vant til dem. Hvad ville nogen mand svar, hvis han fik at vide, at han skulle ændre sit navn, da han giftede sig, fordi hans oprindelige navn trods alt kun var hans fars? Selv bortset fra, at jeg mere sandt beskrives ved navnet på min far, hvis kød og blod jeg er , end jeg ville være af min mand, som jeg er blot en medarbejder med mig, hvor kærlig jeg end er i en bestemt social virksomhed, skal jeg ikke selv regnes for noget. "

I 1922, Herbert Bayard Swope, redaktør af New York World, inviterede Adams til at arbejde for sin avis. Swope havde rekrutteret et betydeligt antal klummeskribenter, de fleste af dem tre gange om ugen. Dette omfattede Alexander Woollcott, William Bolitho, Heywood Broun, Deems Taylor, Samuel Chotzinoff, Laurence Stallings, Harry Hansen og St. John Greer Ervine. Swopes biograf, Ely Jacques Kahn, har argumenteret: "Dens bidragydere blev opmuntret af Swope, der aldrig selv skrev en linje til det, til at sige, hvad de kunne lide, kun begrænset af injurier og smagsdiktater. At beholde deres ting fra at virke forældet, nægtede han desuden at opbygge en bank med spalter, der er klar til at udskrive; alle skrev hans eksemplar til den følgende dags papir. " Det er blevet hævdet af Howard Teichmann, at Adams i denne periode etablerede sig som "Amerikas fineste humorklummeskribent".

Adams havde gode minder om arbejdet i avisen: "Aldrig havde jeg kendt så sjovt i et aviskontor, som jeg havde de første par år på New York World. Uanset hvilken kontorpolitik der måtte have været, var jeg upåvirket, for ingen ville have mit job, og jeg ville ikke have nogen ... Ofte var der diskussioner og voldelige, krænkende argumenter, der varede tre timer ... Der var slagsmål - generelt telefonisk - med min tekniske chef, Mr. Swope ... som aldrig ændrede en linje, ind eller ud, af mig, undtagen én gang, da han reddede mig, ved at ændre noget, der var blevet usandt mellem det tidspunkt, hvor jeg skrev det, kl. 15.00 og 20:30 "

Adams blev en nær ven af ​​Heywood Broun i denne periode: "Broun var en debunker af enhver form for prætentiøsitet, politisk, officiel eller litterær ... Han hadede uretfærdighed og intolerance; sjældent kunne han ikke lide dem, han betragtede som uretfærdige eller intolerante. Han var en løve på tryk, men et lam i sine personlige forhold. Mænd, som han angreb på tryk, ville invitere ham til frokost; han ville gå, og offeret for hans vrede ville falde til hans charme. Heywood, i tyve år eller deromkring , må have tjent masser af penge. Han brød sig mindre om penge end nogen, jeg kendte. "

F. D. White var forretningschef for New York World. Han afviste de progressive synspunkter, der blev udtrykt af mennesker som Adams, Broun og Laurence Stallings. Han havde en dyb afsky for, hvad han mente var deres radikale ideer. White proklamerede, at disse "liberalismens ideer ... spiller helvede med avisens interesse". Han foreslog, at hvis Ralph Pulitzer var så fast besluttet på at deltage i dette "liberale korstog", skulle han "subsidiere en anden avis og lade Broun, Stallings, Adams og andre agitatorer ... køre optøjer på dens sider".

I maj 1928 blev Heywood Broun fyret efter at have skrevet en artikel, der understøtter prævention. Adams var ansvarlig for at forsøge at erstatte Broun, har argumenteret: "Snesevis af knivslagere, vikarer og mere eller mindre permanenser gjorde deres bedste tre uger om ugen ... Jeg tog et skud på at få folk til at skrive for det i løbet af sommeren 1930, og folk fra personalet gav mig det altid til Broun -spalten. Jeg vil have det på pladen, at det var en fejl at fyre Broun for noget som helst. "

I december 1930 begyndte Ralph Pulitzer at forhandle med Roy W. Howard om salget af New York World. Salget gik igennem, og den sidste udgave af avisen blev udgivet den 27. februar 1931. Scripps-Howard-organisationen fusionerede nu de to aviser og gav den navnet New York World-Telegram. Adams blev en af ​​dens vigtigste bidragydere. I 1937 flyttede han til New York Post.

I 1938 blev Adams paneldeltager i radioens Information Please. Ideen med showet var, at paneldeltagere ville forsøge at besvare spørgsmål fra lyttere. Lytteren fik fem dollars betalt for et spørgsmål, der blev brugt, og ti dollars mere, hvis eksperterne ikke kunne svare korrekt på det. Showet var lige så meget en komedie som et quiz -show, og paneldeltagerne forventedes at give sjove svar på spørgsmålene. Adams var også med i panelet, da det blev et tv -program i 1952.

Franklin Pierce Adams døde i New York den 23. marts 1960.

© John Simkin, maj 2013

Franklin Pierce Adams var en Chicago -dreng, ikke ulig George S. Kaufman i udseende, familiebaggrund og mental smidighed. Hans første job var i 1903 med Chicago Journal, hvor han skrev en daglig vejrhistorie. Senere fik han lov til luksusen i en daglig humorsøjle. Selvom alle er interesserede i vejret, blev Adams humorkolonne så vellykket, at han fik tilladelse til at koncentrere sig om det alene. Men Adams nægtede at monopolisere humorsøjlen. I stedet inviterede han bidrag fra sine læsere. Disse væltede ind som regn om foråret på Lake Michigan. Efter et år og en stigning i lønnen var Adams klar til Østen.

New York tog ham og gjorde ham til, hvad New York kan hurtigere end nogen anden by i verden. Det gjorde F.P.A. en kendt. Nu var hans bidragydere Edna St. Vincent Millay, Sinclair Lewis, Dorothy Parker, Ring Lardner, Edna Ferber, Deems Taylor, John Erskine, Alice Duer Miller-kort sagt de lyseste unge navne i amerikanske bogstaver.

Det virkede derfor usædvanligt, at der i 1908 skulle begynde at komme vittigheder fra Paterson, New Jersey. Desuden var de ikke de sædvanlige bananlignende banaliteter. De var gode, og Adams begyndte at køre dem. Paterson -bidragyder, der tog sit fingerpeg fra Adams 'egen nom de plume, underskrev sig selv G.S.K.
At se sine egne ord på tryk i en avis i New York gjorde for George S. Kaufman, hvad kontakten gør for den elektriske pære. Han eksploderede hele spærringer af kommentarer, vittigheder, ordspil, vittigheder over floden til F.P.A. Som belønning har F.P.A. brugt mere og mere af G.S.K. Endelig blev han inviteret til New York for at spise middag med den store klummeskribent.

Da de mødtes, var det som om alt i Adams var overdrevet i Kaufman. Adams var fem fod otte tommer i højden; Kaufman stod over seks fod.

Franklin Pierce Adams var, ligesom Neysa, en Midtvesten (fra Chicago i hans tilfælde), der var kommet til New York på jagt efter et smartere, mere sofistikeret liv. Født i 1881, havde han flyttet til New York i 1903 og var straks begyndt at etablere sig som avismand. I 1909 var han kendt nok til at samarbejde med O. Henry - om en hurtigt glemt musical, Se! - og i 1911 havde han skabt til New York aftenpost, hans "Always in a Good Humor" -kolonne, som han omdøbte til "The Conning Tower", da han flyttede den til Tribune i 1914. Fra den første var spalten et tvingende hus til den slags vittige raffinement FPA var kommet til New York søgte og hjalp nu med at definere og eksemplificere.

I spalten kombinerede Adams skarpe observationer af nutidige tendenser og begivenheder - han var bedstefar eller måske oldefar til New Yorker humoristisk stil - med bidragene, hovedsageligt lette vers og apercus, sendt af en villig, talentfuld og ulønnet gruppe af håbefulde forfattere. Malerisk og skør, som den nu lyder, satte klummen nye standarder i amerikansk humor (legitimering af ordspil for én ting) og hjalp med at starte en lang række forfatteres karriere. Dorothy Parkers vittige bue i FPA's retning - "han rejste mig fra en kobling" - kunne have været lavet af en række andre forfattere, der kom til at sidde ved siden af ​​denne "hjemlige lille mand" ved Round Table i årtiet efter deres første optræden i hans klumme: Marc Connelly, Robert Benchley, George S. Kaufman (der opfandt "S" som et middel, tænkte han, for at give yderligere sondring til sine bidrag til FPA's klumme). I 1920. "FPA" var det mest kendte sæt af ikke-præsidentielle initialer i landet.

FPA nød et ry som, med en af ​​hans samtidiges ord, "et let kunstnerisk talent, et hurtigt klogskab og en strålende personlighed." Intet fremmede dette indtryk så meget som hans ugentlige krønike, i hvad der nu virker ulidelig detalje og uudholdelig mock-Restoration-prosa (Samuel Pepys dagbog var hans tilsyneladende model), om hans timeaktiviteter som en social og teatralsk gadabout på storbyscenen. At være en almindelig "karakter" i den krønike skulle sikres en vis vagt mytisk berygtelse. Neysa følte sig nu klar til at påtage sig den rolle.

Ved at lægge alle de overtroiske betænkeligheder til side, havde Neysa, der bar et næsestykke søde ærter, ned på FPA på sit Tribune -kontor fredag ​​den 13. april 1917. FPA kunne let påvirkes ("Sammenlignet med mig er en vejrskov Gibraltar") , og svajede af Neysa var han. Om eftermiddagen talte disse to transplanterede mellemvestere "om Quincy og Chicago og litteratur og krigen". Allerede da følte Adams "beklagelse over, at hun gik væk så hurtigt." Selvom hun måske ikke havde indset det på det tidspunkt, havde Neysa taget den vigtige kontakt, der ville bestemme formen for hendes liv i det næste årti - og derefter.

I de følgende uger optrådte Neysa regelmæssigt i FPA's registrering af sine gøremål. Han besøger hendes lejlighed, rapporterer, at hun er syg, spiser middag med hende, tager hende med til Lambs Gambol (hvor begge finder en stigende humorist, Will Rogers, aftenens bedste underholdning) og ledsager hende til et foredrag af en arktisk opdagelsesrejsende (hvor kun Neysa finder pingvinerne, der ledsager det, sjove). "Mistress Neysa" er afbilledet "meget fair i en blå kjole"; efter en adskillelse på nogle måneder rapporterer FPA "hendes charme ikke mindre end nogensinde."

I løbet af de første år med deres bekendtskab opdagede FPA, hvad han senere ville karakterisere som Neysas chef, hvis mest nysgerrige, tiltrækning-nemlig, at hendes uvidenhed om visse ting kunne være mere oplysende end andres kendskab til dem. Ingen tvivl om, at han og mange andre mand havde en vittig fornøjelse af at informere hende.

Neysa på sin side begyndte at blive informeret meget yndefuldt, for hun var en god lytter, om end næppe passiv eller ukritisk. De mænd, og lejlighedsvis kvinder, der påtog sig den uformelle opgave med at uddanne hende, skulle selv stå op til mærket. På trods af en villet tilfældighed og uklarhed fastholdt Neysa også en stædigt realistisk streak, der tillod hende at adskille sans fra nonsens.


3 store politiske begivenheder i franklin pierce - Franklin pierce sjove fakta

Franklin Pierce blev født den 23. november 1804 i Hillsborough, New Hampshire. Hans søskende omfattede fire brødre, to søstre og en halvsøster. Pierce kom fra en familie, der havde en god politisk erfaring. Hans far, Benjamin Pierce, var en politisk aktiv person, der havde deltaget i revolutionskrigen og senere blev guvernør i New Hampshire.

Pierce studerede på Bowdoin College i Maine og tog en femteplads i sin klasse og studerede senere jura og blev optaget i baren i 1827. Hans angreb på politik skete kort tid efter. Mere.

Franklin Pierce, USA's 14. præsident fra 1853 til 1857. Han var faktisk en af ​​de mest kontroversielle præsidenter, USA nogensinde har haft. Under sin indledende tale talte han om en æra med fred og velstand herhjemme og påpegede, at USA skulle erhverve yderligere ejendele for at sikre det.

Her er de tre store politiske begivenheder, der fandt sted under Franklin Pierces formandskab. Mere.

Under sin præsidentkampagne havde Franklin Pierce ingen registrerede slagord, som han brugte under kampagnen. Da Franklin Pierce, eller Handsome Frank, som han blev kaldt med glæde, tiltrådte, aflagde han ikke ed på Bibelen, selv når det var traditionen at gøre det. Dette var fordi Pierce følte, at med hans søns død i en freak -ulykke kun to måneder før han tiltrådte, var en dom, der blev truffet af Gud.

Under sin indledende tale brugte præsident Franklin Pierce ikke nogen håndnoter. Det var en improviseret adresse. Da han tiltrådte, var Pierce den yngste præsident i USA indtil da. Mere.


11 berusede præsidenter i amerikansk historie

Dette land har en lang, stolt tradition for fuldskab, der går helt op til det højeste kontor.

Længe før amerikanerne indså, at du kunne putte et par ounce øl i en Solo -kop, tygge de ounces, lægge koppen på kanten af ​​et bord og vende den om.#8230 vores præsidenter blev ved at blive hamret.

I går aftes befandt jeg mig nede i et internetormhul for at undersøge tidligere præsidenters beruselse, heldigvis fandt jeg 11 store berusede tidligere amerikanske præsidenter. Og når jeg finder 11 af noget, går jeg direkte til mit websted.

Så her er de 11 fulde amerikanske præsidenter i kronologisk rækkefølge. Et ton kredit for anekdoterne her går til en bog kaldet Præsidenternes sundhed: De 41 amerikanske præsidenter gennem 1993 fra et læges synspunkt af John R. Bumgarner (Amazon -link).

1 | John Adams

John Adams kunne virkelig rive det op. Da han kom ind i Harvard som 15 -årig, drak han regelmæssigt øl til morgenmad. Under en rejse til Philadelphia i 1777 skrev han til sin kone …

Jeg ville give tre guineas for en tønde af din cider. Ikke en dråbe af det at få her for guld, og vin er ikke til at have under $ 68 per gallon … Rom er fyrre shilling en gallon … Jeg ville give en guinea for en tønde af din øl. En lille øl her er elendig dårlig. Kort sagt, jeg får ikke noget, jeg kan drikke, og jeg tror, ​​jeg bliver syg af denne årsag alene.

Nu, hvis du kan lide mig, ja, troede du, at det måske var hele det, der gav en marsvin til din tønde cider, var, at han talte beskidt til hende. Men jeg tænker nej og John Adams ville bare blive fuld.

Ud over at han var fuld, begyndte han at ryge i en alder af otte og fortsatte, indtil han døde. I en alder af 90.

2 | Martin van Buren

Martin van Buren plejede at drikke så meget, at han tilsyneladende udviklede en Andre the Giant-esque tolerance.

Han kunne drikke i dagevis og ikke vise tegn på at være beruset, så hans venner gav ham kaldenavnet “Blå Whisky Van. ” (jeg ved ikke, hvad “blue ” er en reference til. Er det den samme “blå top ”, som Jamie Foxx refererer til Skyld det på Al-Al-Al-Al-Al-Alkohol, som er en anden blå-relateret alkoholreference, jeg ikke får?)

I præsidentvalget i 1840 malede William Henry Harrisons kampagne Van Buren som alkoholiker, hvilket bidrog til, at Van Buren tabte valget.

3 | Franklin Pierce

Franklin Pierce kunne have været Amerikas mest alkoholiserede præsident. Han drak hårdt i hele sit voksne liv og fortsatte lige igennem sit formandskab.

Da det demokratiske parti besluttede ikke at genindstille Pierce efter hans første embedsperiode, sagde han til journalister, at der ikke var andet tilbage end at blive fuld. Holla, Franklin Pierce.

4 | James Buchanan

Buchanan koncentrerede grundlæggende sit præsidentliv om at drikke.

Han ville blive vred, når Det Hvide Hus kun ville være fyldt med små flasker champagne. Hver søndag gik han til et destilleri for at hente en 10 GALLON kande whisky. Han drak cognac … og op til to flasker anden alkohol … hver nat.

Og efter alle rapporter kunne han virkelig klare sin spiritus. En reporter skrev “Der var ingen hovedpine, ingen vaklende trin, ingen skyllede kind. Alt var lige så køligt, roligt og forsigtigt og vågent som i begyndelsen. ”

Men … mens han var i stand til at være en glat beruset på ydersiden, indeni, slog alkoholen ham. Hans immunsystem var så svækket, at han fik gigt og fik dysenteri … to gange.

5 | Ulysses S. Grant

Grant har nogen amerikansk præsidents største ry ry. Nogle rapporter sagde, at han under borgerkrigskampe bare sad der og drak hele dagen lang.

Da han lå på sin dødsseng, besvimede han, og en læge kunne genoplive ham … og give ham et par ekstra minutters liv … ved at give ham brændevin.

6 | Chester A. Arthur

Som præsident ville Arthur drikke vin og likører efter middagen stort set om natten. Han tog omkring 40 pund på kontoret, hvoraf mange var fra konstant at drikke (og have venner til at drikke).

Han ville blive fuld så ofte lørdag aften, at han havde brug for en vogn for at tage ham med i kirke næste morgen, selvom kirken bogstaveligt talt var mindre end en blok væk fra Det Hvide Hus.

7 | Grover Cleveland

Cleveland havde en enorm ølmave, fordi han plejede at drikke øl dagligt. [Indsæt din egen vittighed om, hvordan han, hvis han bare havde drukket på ikke-på hinanden følgende dage, kunne have tabt sig her.]

Under et mindre valg tidligt i sin politiske karriere (det altafgørende løb i 1870 om distriktsadvokat i Erie County, New York), blev han og hans modstander enige om kun at drikke fire glas øl hver dag, så de kunne holde sig klare deres race. Efter et par dage besluttede de, at det var for hårdt, og de skulle tage hætten af.

8 | William Howard Taft

Efter hvad jeg kan se, var Taft som den store tykke fyr i enhver vennegruppe, der gjorde tingene sjovere. Han var ikke så stor en drikker selv, men han var bestemt den frat fyr i 5XL Hawaii -trøjen, der sørgede for, at alle hans venner blev fulde. Han var præsidenternes Bluto.

I løbet af sit første år som præsident skrev en af ​​hans medhjælpere, “Præsidenten tager aldrig noget at drikke, men er mest svagelig i at få andre til at dyppe. ”

9 | Franklin D. Roosevelt

Der er rygter om, at FDR var en stor drikker. Han syntes altid bare at finde rundt i alkohol.

Et godt eksempel: En læge satte FDR på en fedtfattig kost for at forsøge at hjælpe hans hypertension og hjerteproblemer. Men FDR blev undervægtig, så lægen fortalte ham, at han skulle tage på igen. FDR ’s planlægger at få det tilbage? Drikker massemængder af æg nog.

10 | John F. Kennedy

Der er ikke noget egentligt bevis på, at JFK var en drikker. Men jeg har en irsk ven ved navn Molly, der er en helvedes drikker, og det fik mig til at tro, at visse stereotyper eksisterer, fordi de bare er sande.

11 | George W. Bush

Bush blev berømt anholdt for at have kørt under påvirkning i 821770'erne, og ifølge de liberale medier tilbragte han hele sin tid på Yale beruset og meget af sit voksne liv som en alkoholiker til og fra. Typiske liberale medier.

Ærlig omtale går til Betty Ford — før hendes alkohol- og stofrehab-klinik, hun var en beruset First Lady. Og til Barack Obama, der ikke drikker endnu, men er på en så almindelig reklametur (ESPN bracketology? Leno?), At jeg gætter på, at han to yderligere banklukker væk fra at poppe flasker i en T-Pain-video.


Franklin Pierce / Franklin Pierce - Nøglebegivenheder

"Bleeding Kansas"-en guerillakrig mellem nybyggere, der er slaveri og anti-slaveri, mens de forsøger at etablere "folkelig suverænitet"-dukker op og forbruger Kansas i to år.

To måneder før tiltrædelsen som præsident, rammes Franklin Pierce og hans familie af en tragedie. Et togvrag dræber Pierces 'elleve-årige søn, Benjamin, det eneste overlevende barn i hans ægteskab. Jane Pierce, der allerede var utilfreds med udsigten til at flytte til Washington, fortolker dødsfaldet som en fordømmelse af hendes mands beslutning om at være præsident og bliver en eneboer. Præsident Pierce er i mellemtiden sorg og skyldfølelse, da han kommer til embedet.

Franklin Pierce indvies som landets fjortende præsident. Hans indledende tale hentyder til behovet for yderligere landområder for at øge USA's sikkerhed - et løfte, der gør nordboere vrede, der anklager, at Pierce bøjer sig for sydlige ønsker om at udvide slaveriet.

Gadsden -købet, forhandlet af James Gadsden, amerikansk minister i Mexico, er underskrevet. For en pris af $ 15 millioner erhverver USA mere end 29.600 kvadratkilometer nyt territorium i det sydvestlige Arizona og New Mexico. Købet fastlægger de endelige grænser for USA, og ved at tilvejebringe en stribe jord til Stillehavet vil det blive brugt som en rute til Southern Pacific Railroad. Fernando Wood vinder borgmesterløbet i New York og bliver den første chef for Tammany Hall, der besætter stillingen. Under Woods ledelse er Tammany Hall blevet den dominerende kraft i New York Citys politik. Tammany Society blev dannet i 1786 og udvikler sig til at opretholde Jeffersonian -politikken i byen. I slutningen af ​​1840'erne nyder den politiske organisation succes over de lokale Know-Nothing og Whig-partier gennem sin tilknytning til talrige immigranter. Dens programmer og tjenester giver nye amerikanere mad, beskæftigelse og beskyttelse. Til gengæld overser partiets vælgere Tammany's falske valg og anden korrupt praksis.

Gadsden købstraktat underskrevet

Den 30. december 1853 blev Gadsden -købtraktaten underskrevet, hvilket gav USA cirka 45.000 kvadratkilometer nordlige Mexico. Præsident Franklin Pierce og hans udenrigsminister Jefferson Davis ville have jorden - som nu omfatter New Mexico og en fjerdedel af det sydlige Arizona - til en foreslået sydlig transkontinentale jernbane. Pierce udnævnte South Carolinian jernbanepromotoren James Gadsden til amerikansk minister i Mexico og anklagede ham for at forhandle en traktat med præsident Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna i Mexico. Efter et par falske starter blev Gadsden og Santa Anna enige om en traktat, hvor USA ville købe 55.000 kvadratkilometer for $ 15 millioner dollars. Desuden løste traktaten udestående forskelle mellem de to nationer vedrørende Guadalupe Hidalgo -traktaten fra 1848, der sluttede den mexicanske krig.

Gadsden -købet vakte betydelig modstand herhjemme, især under debatten om senatets ratifikation. Antislaveripolitikere anklagede for, at traktaten faktisk var et forsøg på at udvide slaveriet. Jernbanearrangører, der søgte en nordlig transkontinentale jernbane, gjorde indsigelse mod købet, for det syntes at sikre, at deres foretrukne projekt faldt. Disse protester var dog til ingen nytte. Den 25. april 1854 ratificerede senatet traktaten, men reducerede jordtilskuddet og reducerede betalingen til $ 10 millioner dollars. I juni vedtog huset en bevillingslov, og traktaten trådte i kraft.

Gadsden -købet var en vigtig, men begrænset sejr for præsident Pierce. Hans administration opnåede en betydelig mængde jord uden krig og afgjorde internationale problemer som følge af den mexicanske krig. Pierces sydlige allierede erhvervede det land, de havde brug for for at bygge en sydlig jernbanerute til Stillehavet. Pierces sejr kom dog til en pris. Som traktatens ratifikationsdebat demonstrerede, betændte Gadsden -købet sektionsspændinger over udvidelsen af ​​slaveri. Dette problem var et tilbagevendende problem for Pierce -administrationen - og det kunne det ikke løse.

Efter næsten tre århundreders japansk isolation underskrev Commodore Matthew Perry - først bestilt til Japan af præsident Fillmore - traktaten Kanagawa, der markerede begyndelsen på Stillehavsnationens handel med resten af ​​verden. USA har tilladelse til et konsulat i Japan, og amerikanske skibe får lov til at sejle ind i japanske havne med det formål at udføre begrænset handel.

Massachusetts Emigrant Aid Society er grundlagt af Eli Thayer for at opmuntre modstandere af slaveri til at flytte til Kansas. Thayer, der bliver en amerikansk kongresmedlem (republikaner) fra 1857 til 1861, etablerer samfundet, mens han tjener i statslovgiver. Den 21. februar 1855 blev samfundet omdøbt til New England Emigrant Aid Society.

Kansas -Nebraska Act er undertegnet i lov efter at være blevet indført af præsident Pierces rival, senator Stephen Douglas (Demokrat - IL). Lovforslaget genåbner spørgsmålet om slaveri i Vesten ved at ophæve Missouri -kompromiset fra 1820, organiserer Kansas og Nebraska -territorierne på grundlag af "folkelig suverænitet" og baner vejen for den transkontinentale jernbane fra Chicago til Californien. Selvom Pierce ikke kan lide forslaget og bekymrer sig om, at det vil skabe national kontrovers, bukker han under for pres fra forskellige senatorer, der truer med at blokere aftaler.

Pierce underskriver Kansas-Nebraska Act

Den 30. maj 1854 underskrev præsident Franklin Pierce Kansas-Nebraska Act, som var designet til at løse spørgsmålet om at udvide slaveriet til territorierne. Det mislykkedes imidlertid sørgeligt, at Kansas-Nebraska Act var en af ​​de centrale politiske begivenheder, der førte til den amerikanske borgerkrig.

Kansas-Nebraska Act organiserede Kansas og Nebraska territorier på grundlag af folkelig suverænitet, hvilket tillod de to territorier selv at beslutte, om de ville tillade slaveri, når de ansøgte om stat. Denne handling ophævede effektivt Missouri -kompromiset fra 1820, der forbød slaveri nord for bredden på 36 grader 30 minutter i det tidligere Louisiana -territorium, fordi det åbnede muligheden for, at Kansas og Nebraska (begge over 36º30 '-linjen) kunne blive slave -stater. Nordlige anti-slaveri politikere og aktivister var livlige. Sydboere antog, at Kansas -territoriet ville blive en slavestat, mens Nebraska ville være en fri stat.

Senator Stephen Douglas fra Illinois designede Kansas-Nebraska Act og skubbede den igennem kongressen. Han håbede, at handlingen ville løse det splittende spørgsmål om at udvide slaveri til territorierne ved at fjerne det fra national politik og overlade det til de enkelte stater og territorier at afgøre. Douglas mente også, at Det Demokratiske Parti kunne forene sig bag banneret for folkelig suverænitet-og at dette i høj grad ville hjælpe hans præsidentlige forhåbninger.

Det gjorde loven faktisk heller ikke. It provoked violence between pro- and anti-slavery forces in Kansas, and it failed to unite the Democratic Party. Southern Democrats favored the bill, but Northern Democrats, sensing their constituents' unease with the extension of slavery, generally avoided taking a stand on it. The Kansas-Nebraska Act also deepened the serious sectional divides in the Whig Party, leading to its eventual destruction. Finally, the act intensified Northern anti-slavery sentiment, which aided the formation of the Republican Party. This political realignment was a major cause of the Civil War.

President Pierce personally lobbied Democrats to support Douglas's bill. As the tide of opposition rose in the North, Pierce used the Kansas-Nebraska Act as a test of party loyalty. He used his presidential powers to cajole, threaten, or promise federal patronage for support and, in the end, was able to direct the votes of many Northern Democrats. The Kansas-Nebraska Act was the most important legislation of the Pierce presidency, but it was a costly victory. Many in the North believed Pierce catered to Southern interests who wanted to expand slavery. This led to a loss of Northern support for Pierce's foreign policy. President Pierce showed that he could not govern effectively or unite the party. The divisive debate surrounding the spread of slavery would not go away-as it had not in 1820 and 1850, and Pierce's presidency languished as a result.


Franklin Pierce Adams - History

For most Americans, when we think of President Franklin Pierce, we draw a blank. Pierce simply wasn’t that memorable, especially compared to our many high-profile leaders. Perhaps that is because our 14th President was most notable as a contrarian and for the tragic loss of his children.

Some historians consider Franklin Pierce the worst president the United States has ever had. He served just one term, from 1853 to 1857, yet he managed to accomplish two “firsts” with that. He was nominated as the first-ever presidential “dark horse” candidate in American history. Pierce was more or less a political unknown at the time and won the nomination only after Democratic Party representatives went through four dozen ballots unable to agree on anyone better known.

Pierce’s political failures while in office caused his fellow Democrats to turn their backs on him four years later. Although he wanted to serve a second term, they refused him another nomination. Franklin Pierce became the first sitting president to suffer that insult.


FROM THE COLLECTION OF RALEIGH DeGEER AMYX: AN INTRICATE PLATE FROM THE FRANKLIN PIERCE OFFICIAL WHITE HOUSE CHINA - IMPORTED AND DECORATED BY HAUGHWOT & DAILY, NEW YORK. THIS WAS THE FIRST AMERICAN DECORATED CHINA SERVICE EVER PURCHASED BY THE U.S. GOVERNMENT FOR THE WHITE HOUSE.

Born in New Hampshire, Franklin Pierce gained notoriety as a Northerner with a Southern attitude toward slavery. Pierce was an expansionist and dedicated considerable effort to adding territory. However, because of his stance in favor of slavery, many saw these efforts as a covert ploy to expand the practice. So instead of quietly maintaining the peace between pro- and anti-slavery factors – the nation’s expectation of his presidency – Pierce’s actions fanned the flames of controversy.

Pierce continued to argue in favor of slavery after he left office, and was an overt opponent of Abraham Lincoln.

He went against the grain in other ways, too. At his inauguration, he merely affirmed his oath of office by placing his hand on one of his law books rather than swearing on a Bible. Interestingly, he gave his entire inaugural speech – 3,319 words’ worth -- from memory. Pierce punctuated that by cancelling his inaugural ball.

FORMER FIRST LADY JANE PIERCE (1806-1863) WITH THEIR ELDEST SON BENNIE WHO TRAGICALLY DIED IN A TRAIN WRECK AT AGE 11

Pierce’s wife Jane suffered from frail health and depression throughout her life, and the couple’s three sons all perished before the age of 12. Franklin, Jr. died just three days after his birth in 1836. Frank Robert was born in 1839 but died four years later during a typhoid epidemic. And Benjamin, known affectionately to his parents as “Bennie,” died horribly in a train wreck just two months before his father took office as President. Bennie, 11 years old at the time, was the only person to die in the accident.

For much of his life, Franklin Pierce vacillated between alcoholism and advocating temperance. His wife was devoutly religious, and it was through her he first became active in the temperance movement. But his dependence on alcohol during trying times became more prominent as he aged, and ultimately he died of cirrhosis of the liver in 1869.

FRANKLIN PIERCE BEGAN THE TRADITION OF DISPLAYING A CHRISTMAS TREE IN THE WHITE HOUSE.

There was, however, one bright note in Pierce’s presidency: he was the first President to put up a Christmas tree in the White House.

World renowned collector Raleigh DeGeer Amyx has acquired a remarkable number of scarce or rare pieces of official White House China. Mr. Amyx’s passion for American historical artifacts has been his sole focus for more than 35 years. Mr. Amyx's collection is the largest privately-owned collection of extremely high-quality, as well as the rarest, Official White House China and Presidential China in the world. If you would like to engage in a discussion with Mr. Amyx about White House China, please contact him through the button below.


Ближайшие родственники

About Franklin Pierce, 14th President of the USA

Franklin Pierce (November 23, 1804 – October 8, 1869) was an American politician and the fourteenth President of the United States, serving from 1853 to 1857. To date, he is the only president from New Hampshire.

Born in Hillsborough, New Hampshire, in 1804, Pierce attended Bowdoin College. After graduation he studied law, then entered politics. At 24 he was elected to the New Hampshire legislature two years later he became its Speaker. During the 1830's he went to Washington, first as a Representative, then as a Senator.

Pierce was a Democrat and a "doughface" (a Northerner with Southern sympathies) who served in the U.S. House of Representatives and Senate. Later, Pierce took part in the Mexican-American War and became a brigadier general. His private law practice in his home state, New Hampshire, was so successful that he was offered several important positions, which he turned down. Later, he was nominated for president as a dark horse candidate on the 49th ballot at the 1852 Democratic National Convention. In the presidential election, Pierce and his running mate William R. King won by a landslide, defeating the Whig Party ticket of Winfield Scott and William A. Graham by a 50 to 44% margin in the popular vote and 254 to 42 in the electoral vote.

Franklin Pierce became President at a time of apparent tranquility. The United States, by virtue of the Compromise of 1850, seemed to have weathered its sectional storm. By pursuing the recommendations of southern advisers, Pierce--a New Englander--hoped to prevent still another outbreak of that storm. But his policies, far from preserving calm, hastened the disruption of the Union.

Pierce, after serving in the Mexican War, was proposed by New Hampshire friends for the Presidential nomination in 1852. At the Democratic Convention, the delegates agreed easily enough upon a platform pledging undeviating support of the Compromise of 1850 and hostility to any efforts to agitate the slavery question. But they balloted 48 times and eliminated all the well-known candidates before nominating Pierce, a true "dark horse."

According to historian David Potter, Pierce was sometimes referred to as "Baby" Pierce, apparently in reference to both his youthful appearance and his being the youngest president to take office to that point (although he was only a year younger than James K. Polk when he took office).

Probably because the Democrats stood more firmly for the Compromise than the Whigs, and because Whig candidate Gen. Winfield Scott was suspect in the South, Pierce won with a narrow margin of popular votes.

His inoffensive personality caused him to make many friends, but he suffered tragedy in his personal life and as president subsequently made decisions which were widely criticized and divisive in their effects, thus giving him the reputation as one of the worst presidents in U.S. history.

Two months before he took office, he and his wife saw their eleven-year-old son killed when their train was wrecked. Grief-stricken, Pierce entered the Presidency nervously exhausted.

In his Inaugural he proclaimed an era of peace and prosperity at home, and vigor in relations with other nations. The United States might have to acquire additional possessions for the sake of its own security, he pointed out, and would not be deterred by "any timid forebodings of evil."

Pierce had only to make gestures toward expansion to excite the wrath of northerners, who accused him of acting as a cat's-paw of Southerners eager to extend slavery into other areas. Therefore he aroused apprehension when he pressured Great Britain to relinquish its special interests along part of the Central American coast, and even more when he tried to persuade Spain to sell Cuba.

Pierce's popularity in the North declined sharply after he came out in favor of the Kansas-Nebraska Act, repealing the Missouri Compromise and reopening the question of the expansion of slavery in the West. Pierce's credibility was further damaged when several of his diplomats issued the Ostend Manifesto. Historian David Potter concludes that the Ostend Manifesto and the Kansas-Nebraska Act were "the two great calamities of the Franklin Pierce administration. Both brought down an avalanche of public criticism." More important says Potter, they permanently discredited Manifest Destiny and "popular sovereignty" as a political doctrine and slogan of that time that purported to delegate the decision as to whether slavery should be allowed in a particular territory to the eligible white male voters therein, instead of being determined by a national scheme such as that embodied in the Missouri Compromise and similar agreements between the free and slave interests.

This measure, the handiwork of Senator Stephen A. Douglas, grew in part out of his desire to promote a railroad from Chicago to California through Nebraska. Already Secretary of War Jefferson Davis, advocate of a southern transcontinental route, had persuaded Pierce to send James Gadsden to Mexico to buy land for a southern railroad. He purchased the area now comprising southern Arizona and part of southern New Mexico for $10,000,000.

Douglas's proposal, to organize western territories through which a railroad might run, caused extreme trouble. Douglas provided in his bills that the residents of the new territories could decide the slavery question for themselves. The result was a rush into Kansas, as southerners and northerners vied for control of the territory. Shooting broke out, and "bleeding Kansas" became a prelude to the Civil War.

By the end of his administration, Pierce could claim "a peaceful condition of things in Kansas." But, to his disappointment, the Democrats refused to renominate him, turning to the less controversial James Buchanan.

Pierce returned to New Hampshire, leaving his successor to face the rising fury of the sectional whirlwind. After losing the Democratic nomination, Pierce continued his lifelong struggle with alcoholism as his marriage to Jane Means Appleton Pierce fell apart. His reputation was destroyed during the American Civil War when he declared support for the Confederacy, and personal correspondence between Pierce and Confederate President Jefferson Davis was leaked to the press. He died in 1869 from cirrhosis.(Note: death certificate says dropsy which is edema from congestive heart failure)

Philip B. Kunhardt and Peter W. Kunhardt reflected the views of many historians when they wrote in The American President that Pierce was "a good man who didn't understand his own shortcomings. He was genuinely religious, loved his wife and reshaped himself so that he could adapt to her ways and show her true affection. He was one of the most popular men in New Hampshire, polite and thoughtful, easy and good at the political game, charming and fine and handsome. However, he has been criticized as timid and unable to cope with a changing America."

Franklin Pierce became President at a time of apparent tranquility. The United States, by virtue of the Compromise of 1850, seemed to have weathered its sectional storm. By pursuing the recommendations of southern advisers, Pierce--a New Englander--hoped to prevent still another outbreak of that storm. But his policies, far from preserving calm, hastened the disruption of the Union.

Born in Hillsborough, New Hampshire, in 1804, Pierce attended Bowdoin College. After graduation he studied law, then entered politics. At 24 he was elected to the New Hampshire legislature two years later he became its Speaker. During the 1830's he went to Washington, first as a Representative, then as a Senator.

Pierce, after serving in the Mexican War, was proposed by New Hampshire friends for the Presidential nomination in 1852. At the Democratic Convention, the delegates agreed easily enough upon a platform pledging undeviating support of the Compromise of 1850 and hostility to any efforts to agitate the slavery question. But they balloted 48 times and eliminated all the well-known candidates before nominating Pierce, a true "dark horse."

Probably because the Democrats stood more firmly for the Compromise than the Whigs, and because Whig candidate Gen. Winfield Scott was suspect in the South, Pierce won with a narrow margin of popular votes.

Two months before he took office, he and his wife saw their eleven-year-old son killed when their train was wrecked. Grief-stricken, Pierce entered the Presidency nervously exhausted.

In his Inaugural he proclaimed an era of peace and prosperity at home, and vigor in relations with other nations. The United States might have to acquire additional possessions for the sake of its own security, he pointed out, and would not be deterred by "any timid forebodings of evil."

Pierce had only to make gestures toward expansion to excite the wrath of northerners, who accused him of acting as a cat's-paw of Southerners eager to extend slavery into other areas. Therefore he aroused apprehension when he pressured Great Britain to relinquish its special interests along part of the Central American coast, and even more when he tried to persuade Spain to sell Cuba.

But the most violent renewal of the storm stemmed from the Kansas-Nebraska Act, which repealed the Missouri Compromise and reopened the question of slavery in the West. This measure, the handiwork of Senator Stephen A. Douglas, grew in part out of his desire to promote a railroad from Chicago to California through Nebraska. Already Secretary of War Jefferson Davis, advocate of a southern transcontinental route, had persuaded Pierce to send James Gadsden to Mexico to buy land for a southern railroad. He purchased the area now comprising southern Arizona and part of southern New Mexico for $10,000,000.

Douglas's proposal, to organize western territories through which a railroad might run, caused extreme trouble. Douglas provided in his bills that the residents of the new territories could decide the slavery question for themselves. The result was a rush into Kansas, as southerners and northerners vied for control of the territory. Shooting broke out, and "bleeding Kansas" became a prelude to the Civil War.

By the end of his administration, Pierce could claim "a peaceful condition of things in Kansas." But, to his disappointment, the Democrats refused to renominate him, turning to the less controversial Buchanan. Pierce returned to New Hampshire, leaving his successor to face the rising fury of the sectional whirlwind. He died in 1869. US President 14th United States President. He was born in Hillsborugh, New Hampshire, to a father who served in the Revolutionary War and became its governor. Franklin Pierce's early education was at the Hancock and Francistown Academy then graduating from Bowdoin College, Brunswick, Maine. After graduation, he studied law under a local judge, spent two years in Law School at North Hampton, Mass, admitted to the Bar and began practice in his native town of Hillsbourgh. In a chance meeting, he met Jane Appleton, the daughter of the former President of Bowdoin College which became a tragic marriage. She was a religious eccentric who blamed all events on the wrath of god brought on my her husbands political life. Their first son died on the third day of birth and the second born three years later died of typhus and the third was killed at the age of eleven in a tragic train derailment when Franklin Pierce was the President-elect. During his one term in office, he made no cabinet changes and expressed little or no interest in the presidency. However, his administration had some achievements: A dispute involving the boundary between the United States and Mexico was settled creating the Territory of Arizona. A serious fishery question with Great Britain off the coast of Newfoundland was settled by mutual and peaceful concessions. At the termination of his term, his wife was slowly dying from tuberculosis. Pierce took her to the Caribbean and the Mediterranean for treatment. Jane Pierce was in deep depression and merely trudged about weeping while clutching her son's bible and a box with locks of hair from all three of her lost children. Life for President Pierce became even worst. He spent most of the pre-Civil war years in Europe then returned to his residence in Concord. Probably the only good occurred when his wife mercifully died and was buried beside her two sons in the Old North Cemetery in Concord. He then became as reclusive as his wife had been. The Presidents health began to decline aided by his heavy use of alcohol dying of cirrhosis of the liver at the age of 64. He lay in state in Doric Hall in Concord followed by a funeral at St. Paul's Episcopal Church and was buried beside his wife and children. Even though after his death he was virtually forgotten, His legacy shines in New England: The Pierce homestead in Hillsborough was constructed by his father the year Franklin was born. Here Daniel Webster was entertained and in the ballroom on the second floor, Franklin Pierce drilled local militia groups. The mansion is maintained and operated by the Hillsborough Historical Society. The Pierce Manse, Concord was originally located at 14 Penacock Street and was the only house ever owned and occupied by the Pierces with their two children. Threatened with demolition in 1966 it was saved and moved to a site in Concord's Historic District. The house has been restored and many of the furnishings either belonged to Pierce or other members of his family. A historic preservation group, The Brigade owns the house and maintains it as a memorial to New Hampshire's only President. The Gravesite at Old North Cemetery in Concord was refurbished and the deteriorating markers were replaced by a single granite spire with all the names inscribed. The first child was buried elsewhere at the time of death.


About Franklin Pierce

The Pierce Manse * 14 Horseshoe Pond Lane * Concord, New Hampshire * 03301 * (603) 225-4555

Franklin Pierce, son of Revolutionary War veteran and New Hampshire Governor Benjamin Pierce, was born in Hillsborough, New Hampshire in 1804. Before becoming the 14th President of the United States in 1852, he was elected to the New Hampshire State Legislature, the United States House of Representatives and the United States Senate. Pierce was the youngest Speaker of the New Hampshire Legislature and served as a Brigadier General in the Mexican War.

Accomplishments In Office
While President, Pierce reduced the national debt by 60% from $75 million to $35 million, established the office of the United States Attorney General, modernized the Army and Navy, improved relations with Canada, established trade with Japan and expanded our national borders. He kept the nation from war and was probably the most
honest and ethical president up to that time.

Familie
Franklin Pierce married Jane Appleton in 1834 and had three sons. All three of the Pierce sons died as children, a tragedy from which the President and Mrs. Pierce never fully recovered.


What the Feud and Reconciliation between John Adams and Thomas Jefferson Teaches Us About Civility

Mike Purdy is a presidential historian and the author of 101 Presidential Insults &ndash What They Really Thought About Each Other &ndash and What It Means to Us (June 7, 2019). He is also the founder of PresidentialHistory.com and a commentator on presidential history and politics for national and international media.

Donald Trump did not invent the art of the political insult but he&rsquos inflamed the level of vitriolic public discourse and incivility to a new low unmatched by other presidents. In a tainted tradition that has permeated our history, other presidents have not been immune to dishing out acerbic insults against one another.

John Quincy Adams was livid that Harvard University planned to award President Andrew Jackson with an honorary degree. He wrote in his diary that Jackson was &ldquoa barbarian who could not write a sentence of grammar and hardly could spell his own name.&rdquo

Franklin Pierce was not as impressed with Abraham Lincoln as history has been, declaring the day after Lincoln issued the Emancipation Proclamation that the president had &ldquolimited ability and narrow intelligence.&rdquo

The list of spicy presidential insults goes on and on. While such statements are often laugh-aloud funny, they are also shocking and sobering. How can these men who have reached the pinnacle of political power be so crude and demeaning? We can learn a valuable lesson from the friendship and feud between John Adams and Thomas Jefferson, and their ultimate reconciliation.

In 1775, the 32-year-old Virginia born-and-bred Jefferson traveled from his mountain-top Monticello mansion to the bustling city of Philadelphia to serve as a delegate to the Second Continental Congress.

Sometime in June that year after Jefferson arrived in the City of Brotherly Love, he met for the first time one of the most prominent and outspoken leaders of the resistance to British domination &ndash John Adams. The Massachusetts attorney was the soft-spoken Jefferson&rsquos senior by seven years. But neither their opposite personalities, age differences, or geographical distance separating their homes stood in the way of the start of a remarkable relationship that would span more than a half-century.

They forged a unique and warm partnership, both serving on the committee to draft a declaration of independence from British rule. According to Adams, Jefferson had &ldquothe reputation of a masterly pen,&rdquo and was therefore tasked with using his writing skills to draft the document. Jefferson was impressed with how Adams so powerfully defended the draft of the document on the floor of the congress, even though he thought Adams was &ldquonot graceful, not elegant, not always fluent in his public addresses.&rdquo

In the 1780s, they found themselves thrown together once again as diplomats in Europe representing the newly minted United States. These collaborators and their families were friends.

But by 1796, their friendship was obliterated by the rise of political parties with starkly different visions of the new American experiment. With his election that year as the nation&rsquos second president, the Federalist Adams found himself saddled with Jefferson as his vice president representing the Democratic-Republican Party. Tensions were high between the two men.

Just three months after their inauguration as the embryonic nation&rsquos top two elected officials, Jefferson privately groused to a French diplomat that President Adams was &ldquodistrustful, obstinate, excessively vain, and takes no counsel from anyone.&rdquo Weeks later, Adams spewed out his frustration, writing in a private letter that his vice president had &ldquoa mind soured, yet seeking for popularity, and eaten to a honeycomb with ambition, yet weak, confused, uninformed, and ignorant.&rdquo

When Jefferson ousted Adams from the presidency in the election of 1800, Adams was forced to pack his bags and vacate the newly constructed Executive Mansion after just a few months. At four o&rsquoclock in the morning on March 4, 1801, Jefferson&rsquos inauguration day, the sullen Adams slipped out of the Executive Mansion without fanfare, boarded a public stage and left Washington. The streets were quiet as the president left the capital under the cover of darkness on his journey back home. He wanted nothing to do with the man who had publicly humiliated him by denying him a second term as president, nor in witnessing Jefferson&rsquos inauguration and moment of triumph.

For the next dozen years these two giants of the American revolution largely avoided one another, still nursing wounds inflicted by the poisonous partisan politics of their era. But on July 15, 1813, Adams made an overture, reaching out to his former friend and foe, writing that &ldquoyou and I ought not to die until we have explained ourselves to each other.&rdquo That letter broke the dam and began a series of remarkable letters between the two men that lasted for more than a dozen years until death claimed them both on the July 4, 1826 &ndash the 50 th anniversary of the Declaration of Independence.

Not all such presidential feuds have resulted in such heart-warming reconciliations. But the story of Adams and Jefferson serves as a model of what can happen when respect replaces rancor, friendships triumph over political dogma, and we allow reconciliation to emerge from the ashes of fractured friendships.

Adams and Jefferson ultimately listened to one another, explaining themselves. Listening to someone who thinks differently than we do can feel threatening and scary &ndash almost as if by listening to their thoughts we might become infected by their opinions. So we hunker down and lob snarky tweets to attack the humanity and patriotism of others, foolishly hoping such tactics will convince them to change.

But what would it look like if we could agree on core values we share in common with one another? Patriotism, a safe country, a stable society, economic well-being that promotes health, education, food, and housing, ensuring that people are treated with dignity and respect.

We could then have vigorous and civil debates about the best policies to implement our values. We won&rsquot always agree with everyone. There will be a wide diversity of opinions. But if we could &ldquoexplain ourselves&rdquo to one another, listen deeply, forge friendships, and understand the hopes and fears and humanity of others, we might actually solve some of the problems that seem so intractable in our polarized society &ndash a society that seems to thrive on extremism on both ends of the political spectrum.

Adams and Jefferson ultimately allowed their humanity and deep friendship to triumph over their politics. We can thank them and other candid and often irreverent barbs by our presidents about other presidents, because these insults cause us to reflect how we should treat one another &ndash not only in the public square, but around the family dinner table, in our marriages, and in the workplace.

Our survival as a nation depends on our ability to listen to those with very different political philosophies, to &ldquoexplain ourselves&rdquo to one another, to search for broad areas of agreement with those of different political philosophies, and to reject the acidic politics of personal demonization in which we attack the humanity or patriotism of others.


Franklin Pierce: Impact and Legacy

It could be said that Franklin Pierce had little business being President, but in a nation fragmenting over slavery, only a bland, affable political lightweight was palatable to the electorate. Yet the irony of Franklin Pierce's administration is that a man less than qualified to be President was behind one of the most far-reaching pieces of legislation in American history. Once pressured into backing the Kansas-Nebraska Act, Pierce accelerated the course towards civil war. In the 1850s, disputes over slavery were so emotionally charged that both sides sought moderate leaders. Franklin Pierce was one of these and thus became President of the United States.

Committed to a political style that emphasized party cohesion and compromise as a means of downplaying sectional differences, Pierce's leadership lacked the strength and tenacity of a Jackson or a Lincoln. As a result, tumultuous events simply overwhelmed him, and he was sometimes dominated by forceful politicians like Stephen Douglas. For most historians, Pierce is viewed as an inept chief executive whose traditional style of leadership failed in the face of the massive electoral divisions over slavery and the aggressiveness of Southerners. But other Presidents were unable to solve these issues, short of war. And from that war came two worthwhile results—the emancipation of the slaves and the restoration of the Union. Still, Franklin Pierce serves as an example of why difficult times require forceful leadership that is sensitive to issues both of change and continuity.


Plymouth Notch, Vt.

Birthplace of Calvin Coolidge, one of several presidential houses in Plymouth Notch.

Calvin Coolidge’s birthplace is such a throwback to the way Vermont used to be that some people call it “Vermont’s Brigadoon.” Coolidge cannily used it as a backdrop to hone his image as a thrifty Yankee.

Coolidge was actually sworn in as president of the United States while vacationing at his boyhood home in Plymouth Notch, Vt.

His father, a notary, swore him in at 2:47 a.m. on Aug. 3, 1923, hours after President Warren G. Harding died.

Coolidge often visited his family home, a modest white frame farmhouse in the classic New England style of big house, little house, back house, barn.

The Secret Service detail assigned to him slept in tents on the property and a dance hall nearby served as his office in the summer of 1924.

Today Coolidge’s birthplace and surrounding buildings comprise the Calvin Coolidge Homestead District, which includes the Cilley General Store, the Post Office, the Wilder Restaurant (serving lunch), the church, several barns, the dance hall and the Plymouth Cheese factory. For more information click here.


Se videoen: The worst president in. history (November 2022).

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